Saswat Panigrahi
It’s been three years. The scars of a 60-hour-long terror siege which scripted a gory tale in blood are very much visible.
The unprecedented terror strikes on multiple targets across India’s financial capital -- carried out by ten trained Pakistani jihadis, executed by the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) inside Pakistan -- snuffed out the lives of at least 166 innocent people and wounded more than 300.
Mumbai Police, Rapid Action Force personnel, Marine Commandos and National Security Guards performed their duties with remarkable bravery and professionalism in their battle with the terrorists. Fifteen policemen and two NSG commandos sacrificed their lives in the counter-offensive.
On the third anniversary of Mumbai terror attacks, let’s pay tribute to the unsung heroes and the victims.
Zero progress by Pakistan
Dossiers after dossiers were sent to Pakistan. Date after date was set for action against the perpetrators of Mumbai attacks. But, three years after 26/11, there is zero progress by Pakistan to bring the perpetrators to justice.
However, has India failed to bend Pakistan internationally? If so, blame it on the UPA leadership. Don’t forget this government shocked the nation by delinking terrorism from Indo-Pak composite dialogue in Sharm el-Sheikh in 2009. Early this month Prime Minister Manmohan Singh went on to describe his Pakistani counterpart “a man of peace”.
26/11 terrorists are having a field day
Three years after 26/11, Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone terrorist captured alive is still facing a death sentence. The Bombay High Court upheld his death penalty, awarded by a special court in Mumbai. Last month, the Supreme Court stayed execution of the death sentence “to facilitate due process of law”.
The cost of keeping Kasab alive is as much as Rs 100 crore and counting.
India still awaits access to 26/11 plotter David Coleman Headley and his accomplice Tahawwur Rana, who are in FBI custody.
Hafiz Saeed, founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba, the mastermind of 26/11 attacks continues his anti-India rhetoric from inside Pakistan. However, Pakistan maintains that there is not enough evidence against him.
How prepared we are to tackle terror?
26/11 had laid bare an abysmal intelligence and a spineless security, which helped the terror siege to succeed. Three years on, is India alert and prepared to thwart future terror attacks?
After 26/11 attacks, there were six major bomb blasts in different parts of the nation. Compensations for the victims were announced. Probes were ordered. Sketches of the suspects were prepared. However, the investigative agencies are struggling to find a “conclusive lead” in most of the cases.
Terrorists come at their will, kill innocent people and disappear into their cubby holes. But so “efficient” our intelligence agencies are that they do not even find clues of their whereabouts! And hunt for the suspects goes on....
The intelligence agencies utterly fail to read the changing modus operndi of the terrorists. They fail to gather inputs to thwart future terror strikes. They are unable to prevent one attack after another. But what are the reasons?
There are serious problems in India’s intelligence matrix. First, the multiplicity of its structure leads to confusion. Second, there is lack of co-ordination between agencies. Third, a sizable chunk of intelligence and security officials are not professionally trained and equipped to carry out their tasks. Fourth, there is a gross disconnect between the Centre and the states in tackling terror. Fifth, there are huge vacancies in security and intelligence agencies which have not been filled for years.
The apex organisation for India’s intelligence is the Intelligence Bureau (IB) which has a cascading bureaucratic structure. The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), on the other hand, deals with India’s external intelligence and works under a “cloak of secrecy”.
Several states have set up Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) to fight terror. All these intelligence agencies rarely share inputs, perhaps considering them as “highly secret”.
In the aftermath of Mumbai terror attacks, India has set up National Investigation Agency (NIA). This is supposed to be central agency to combat terrorism. But the agency is yet to build its capacity.
The proposed National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID), which aims at facilitating information sharing by security agencies and law enforcement agencies to combat terror remains a work in progress.
The National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) which is supposed to gather “highly specialised technical intelligence” is almost defunct.
The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTS) -- modelled on United States -- the “nodal agency” for counter terrorism with representation from all security and intelligence agencies is yet to take its shape.
In that case, undertrained and poorly equipped state police machineries are often being used to investigate and respond to terror attacks.
Time and again several ideas were floated, various recommendations were made to revamp India’s security architecture. But nothing has changed. India’s intelligence and security agencies remain in their moribund condition, giving an edge to the terrorists.
This is in sharp contrast to the countries like US which succeeded in uprooting terrorism by enhancing their already organised security system. Post 9/11, America has set up a separate ministry called Homeland Security and enacted USA PATRIOT Act, helping the country to intercept and obstruct further terror strikes. So did Europe and Israel. But we couldn’t.
Surge in home grown terrorism
This is not to dispute that terrorism in India is emanated from across the border. But the cross-border terror networks work in tandem with the local terror elements.
In the last one decade there was a surge in home grown terrorism. More interestingly, the local terror elements are getting political patronage.
Lack of political willpower
The Congress-led UPA government’s track record in tackling terror is abysmally poor. At present, India does not have any proper anti-terror law. It was the UPA government which repealed Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA) in 2004 perhaps “to protect the rights of the terror accused”.
Remember, the government shamelessly went on to justify its move saying, “A tough law can’t prevent terror attacks”. But after 26/11, the government woke up from its slumber and amended the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967, incorporating some provisions from the POTA. But the UPA so far has failed to explain to the nation why it is reluctant to bring a separate anti-terror law.
The immediate priorities
India is vulnerable to terror attacks. To fight terror, the country needs to strengthen its security and intelligence. The need of hour is to revamp border security, maritime security and aerial security. The nation needs a complete recast of its intelligence mechanism. There is a pressing need for stringent counter-terrorism policy and its implementation. In order to weed out terrorism from its roots, India needs to terrorise the terrorists and their sympathisers.
In the end, the one pertinent thought that resonates years after the 26/11 attacks is – Does human life count for even a little bit in India?
The government should act and that too fast.
-- -- Appeared in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/state-elections-2012/uttarakhand/uttarakhand-will-cong-manage-to-dislodge-bjp_761883.html
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/are-we-a-soft-state_743926.html
Saturday, November 26, 2011
Wednesday, November 16, 2011
Why Advani went wrong in Orissa?
Saswat Panigrahi
BJP veteran LK Advani’s silence on Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik -- who is confronting a volley of corruption charges -- during the Orissa leg of Jan Chetna Yatra has virtually triggered a cadre revolt in state BJP.
While playing the issue of corruption to the public gallery, he spoke extensively on the successive scams -- Cash-for-vote scam, 2G spectrum scam and CWG scam -- under the UPA rule and highlighted its inability to bring back lakhs of crores of black money stashed in tax havens. However, he did not make any direct or indirect reference to the state of affairs in Orissa.
Responding to newspersons’ query about the series of scams during Naveen Patnaik’s regime, Advani said, "Since the yatra is a pan-India campaign, the overall focus should ideally be on the issue of corruption at the Centre. But, so far as the corruption in the states is concerned, we are concerned with the states we rule." He quickly added, “The state leadership would answer them.”
Answering a question on the “possibility” of a BJP-BJD alliance in future, the octogenarian leader said, “It is a speculative question...I am not ruling out anything, though at the moment the relations between the two have become tense."
Advani’s move was meticulously planned, carefully scripted and skilfully calculated. By maintaining a stoic silence on the scam-tainted Patnaik government, the BJP veteran has hurled broad hints for reviving ties with the BJD. This is not to dispute that during the BJP-BJD honeymoon days, Patnaik was Advani’s blue eyed boy and was enjoying a status which none of the other senior Orissa BJP leaders had.
Today, at a time when the BJP leader is apparently projecting himself as a prime ministerial candidate, he sees an opportunity in re-cultivating Patnaik and his BJD.
It’s been a couple of days since Advani made those comments. But the after effect is refusing to die down. The resentment in the state unit is evident. As Ashok Sahu, vice president of Orissa BJP bluntly puts, “It would have been better had Advaniji made comments on the Himalayan corruption of the Naveen Patnaik government”.
Advani’s move has put the state BJP in a tight spot. This has made the task of BJP leaders in Orissa difficult to face both the press and the public ahead of the crucial Panchayat polls. They are unable defend Advani’s political faux pas. I hope they are still busy in answering a circle of questions. The party cadres in Orissa are saddened and demoralised. It is now a challenge for the state leaders to convince irked party cadres. But has Advani gone wrong in wooing Naveen? Can the BJP afford to rejoin hands with the BJD? As a keen observer of Orissa politics, I must search the answers for future in a timeline from the past to the present. Just read on...
Those in knowhow of Orissa’s political history can recall how BJP’s strategist late Pramod Mahajan played a crucial role in the formation of BJD, before stitching its alliance with the saffron party. After Biju Patnaik’s demise in April 1997, a sympathy wave was blowing in the state in favour of the legendry leader. To cash in on that wave, Mahajan met Biju legacy -leaders. Some of them opined to merge the Orissa unit of the Janata Dal with the BJP. But it was Mahajan who proposed to float a party in the name of Biju babu and its alliance with BJP to bring a debacle for the Congress in Orissa, a suggestion the Janata leaders could not but accept. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was formed in December, 1997 and its alliance with the BJP was forged in February 1998.
It is said that all initial formative logistics for BJD were provided by the BJP. Biju babu’s son Naveen Patnaik, who since then was elected as a member of 11th Lok Sabha in a by-election following his father’s demise, emerged as the unanimous consensus to lead the party. Orissa voted en bloc for the BJP-BJD coalition as the state waited for a change because the Congress regime led by JB Patnaik was marked by mass corruption and which severely compromised state’s development. Riding an anti-Congress wave, BJP-BJD coalition swept State elections and Naveen became the chief minister.
However, after coming to power, the BJP started doing political piggy-riding and used Patnaik as a surrogate. In a decade long BJP-BJD regime, while the BJD was busy in enhancing its mass base, BJP did not bother to strengthen its grass roots. A sizable number of BJP leaders in Orissa distanced themselves from the organisation.
Ahead of the 2009 elections, when the BJP and BJD split over seat-sharing wrangles, a ‘cadre less’ Orissa BJP was walking on a lost path. The result was on expected lines. The BJD swept the state elections and the BJP bite the dust. Naveen Patnaik was elected as the Chief Minister for the third time in row.
The end of 2009 saw the beginning of bad days for Patnaik and his BJD government. Patnaik’s squeaky clean image took a beating ever since the mining scam broke.
As the Pandora's Box opened, it is learnt about how the Naveen government allowed mineral smugglers to plunder Orissa to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crores, giving birth to the biggest scam in independent India’s history. Then more skeletons tumbled out of the closet.
It was BJD government which illegally allotted as much as 6,000 acre of three-crop agricultural land -- including 1,300 acre belonging to Lord Jagannath Temple -- for the proposed dubious Vedanta university project in Puri-Konark marine drive. Orissa Lokpal indicted the Patnaik government for illegal land allotment. The biggest land grab scam in independent India was waiting to happen in Orissa. Thanks to Orissa High Court, the project was spiked.
Then came the nixing of Vedanta’s proposed bauxite mining project in Niyamgiri following NC Saxena report. The report indicted the BJD government again.
The saga of corruption in Naveen Patnaik government does not end there. Apart from mining scam and the two Vedanta scams, the BJD government is involved in dal scam, coal scam, rural job scam and the list goes on.
Patnaik government is highly unpopular for its mega industry plank. By allowing industries at the cost of livelihood of the people, the BJD government has made industries the beneficiary and the state a looser. Patnaik is being branded as anti-famer, anti-poor and ant-tribal.
Today, Patnaik and his BJD are facing credibility crisis. But, where does the BJP figure in Orissa’s political map? The saffron party is back in a revival mode. Being in opposition it was using the issue of corruption in the state to pin down the BJD. The party was cashing in on the issue to gauge public mood.
Despite that, by choosing to keep mum on the large scale corruption in Orissa, BJP veteran LK Advani appeared to be siding with Naveen. It is now a big challenge for the state BJP to explain people what exactly it is up to.
“With the polls not far away, the dependency is seemingly mutual. This time both the BJP and BJD need each other for their political success. However, while it would be a strategic alliance for the BJD, for BJP it would just be a suicidal move in Orissa,” said senior political commentator Pratap Mohanty.
This is not to dispute that Advani is undoubtedly the tallest leader in BJP’s ranks. But he is not the sole voice of the party. There are number of BJP leaders who are severely critical of his move. So let’s leave the rest to time.
BJP veteran LK Advani’s silence on Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik -- who is confronting a volley of corruption charges -- during the Orissa leg of Jan Chetna Yatra has virtually triggered a cadre revolt in state BJP.
While playing the issue of corruption to the public gallery, he spoke extensively on the successive scams -- Cash-for-vote scam, 2G spectrum scam and CWG scam -- under the UPA rule and highlighted its inability to bring back lakhs of crores of black money stashed in tax havens. However, he did not make any direct or indirect reference to the state of affairs in Orissa.
Responding to newspersons’ query about the series of scams during Naveen Patnaik’s regime, Advani said, "Since the yatra is a pan-India campaign, the overall focus should ideally be on the issue of corruption at the Centre. But, so far as the corruption in the states is concerned, we are concerned with the states we rule." He quickly added, “The state leadership would answer them.”
Answering a question on the “possibility” of a BJP-BJD alliance in future, the octogenarian leader said, “It is a speculative question...I am not ruling out anything, though at the moment the relations between the two have become tense."
Advani’s move was meticulously planned, carefully scripted and skilfully calculated. By maintaining a stoic silence on the scam-tainted Patnaik government, the BJP veteran has hurled broad hints for reviving ties with the BJD. This is not to dispute that during the BJP-BJD honeymoon days, Patnaik was Advani’s blue eyed boy and was enjoying a status which none of the other senior Orissa BJP leaders had.
Today, at a time when the BJP leader is apparently projecting himself as a prime ministerial candidate, he sees an opportunity in re-cultivating Patnaik and his BJD.
It’s been a couple of days since Advani made those comments. But the after effect is refusing to die down. The resentment in the state unit is evident. As Ashok Sahu, vice president of Orissa BJP bluntly puts, “It would have been better had Advaniji made comments on the Himalayan corruption of the Naveen Patnaik government”.
Advani’s move has put the state BJP in a tight spot. This has made the task of BJP leaders in Orissa difficult to face both the press and the public ahead of the crucial Panchayat polls. They are unable defend Advani’s political faux pas. I hope they are still busy in answering a circle of questions. The party cadres in Orissa are saddened and demoralised. It is now a challenge for the state leaders to convince irked party cadres. But has Advani gone wrong in wooing Naveen? Can the BJP afford to rejoin hands with the BJD? As a keen observer of Orissa politics, I must search the answers for future in a timeline from the past to the present. Just read on...
Those in knowhow of Orissa’s political history can recall how BJP’s strategist late Pramod Mahajan played a crucial role in the formation of BJD, before stitching its alliance with the saffron party. After Biju Patnaik’s demise in April 1997, a sympathy wave was blowing in the state in favour of the legendry leader. To cash in on that wave, Mahajan met Biju legacy -leaders. Some of them opined to merge the Orissa unit of the Janata Dal with the BJP. But it was Mahajan who proposed to float a party in the name of Biju babu and its alliance with BJP to bring a debacle for the Congress in Orissa, a suggestion the Janata leaders could not but accept. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was formed in December, 1997 and its alliance with the BJP was forged in February 1998.
It is said that all initial formative logistics for BJD were provided by the BJP. Biju babu’s son Naveen Patnaik, who since then was elected as a member of 11th Lok Sabha in a by-election following his father’s demise, emerged as the unanimous consensus to lead the party. Orissa voted en bloc for the BJP-BJD coalition as the state waited for a change because the Congress regime led by JB Patnaik was marked by mass corruption and which severely compromised state’s development. Riding an anti-Congress wave, BJP-BJD coalition swept State elections and Naveen became the chief minister.
However, after coming to power, the BJP started doing political piggy-riding and used Patnaik as a surrogate. In a decade long BJP-BJD regime, while the BJD was busy in enhancing its mass base, BJP did not bother to strengthen its grass roots. A sizable number of BJP leaders in Orissa distanced themselves from the organisation.
Ahead of the 2009 elections, when the BJP and BJD split over seat-sharing wrangles, a ‘cadre less’ Orissa BJP was walking on a lost path. The result was on expected lines. The BJD swept the state elections and the BJP bite the dust. Naveen Patnaik was elected as the Chief Minister for the third time in row.
The end of 2009 saw the beginning of bad days for Patnaik and his BJD government. Patnaik’s squeaky clean image took a beating ever since the mining scam broke.
As the Pandora's Box opened, it is learnt about how the Naveen government allowed mineral smugglers to plunder Orissa to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crores, giving birth to the biggest scam in independent India’s history. Then more skeletons tumbled out of the closet.
It was BJD government which illegally allotted as much as 6,000 acre of three-crop agricultural land -- including 1,300 acre belonging to Lord Jagannath Temple -- for the proposed dubious Vedanta university project in Puri-Konark marine drive. Orissa Lokpal indicted the Patnaik government for illegal land allotment. The biggest land grab scam in independent India was waiting to happen in Orissa. Thanks to Orissa High Court, the project was spiked.
Then came the nixing of Vedanta’s proposed bauxite mining project in Niyamgiri following NC Saxena report. The report indicted the BJD government again.
The saga of corruption in Naveen Patnaik government does not end there. Apart from mining scam and the two Vedanta scams, the BJD government is involved in dal scam, coal scam, rural job scam and the list goes on.
Patnaik government is highly unpopular for its mega industry plank. By allowing industries at the cost of livelihood of the people, the BJD government has made industries the beneficiary and the state a looser. Patnaik is being branded as anti-famer, anti-poor and ant-tribal.
Today, Patnaik and his BJD are facing credibility crisis. But, where does the BJP figure in Orissa’s political map? The saffron party is back in a revival mode. Being in opposition it was using the issue of corruption in the state to pin down the BJD. The party was cashing in on the issue to gauge public mood.
Despite that, by choosing to keep mum on the large scale corruption in Orissa, BJP veteran LK Advani appeared to be siding with Naveen. It is now a big challenge for the state BJP to explain people what exactly it is up to.
“With the polls not far away, the dependency is seemingly mutual. This time both the BJP and BJD need each other for their political success. However, while it would be a strategic alliance for the BJD, for BJP it would just be a suicidal move in Orissa,” said senior political commentator Pratap Mohanty.
This is not to dispute that Advani is undoubtedly the tallest leader in BJP’s ranks. But he is not the sole voice of the party. There are number of BJP leaders who are severely critical of his move. So let’s leave the rest to time.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
Sunday, October 23, 2011
Advani’s yatra and BJP’s dilemma
Saswat Panigrahi
BJP’s octogenarian leader LK Advani, in the evening of his life, has embarked on yet another yatra. In his six decades long political career, this is the sixth yatra for the quintessential yatri.
In 2006, Advani undertook Bharat Surakshya Yatra to highlight the failure of the Congress-led UPA government in combating terrorism. He went on Bharat Udaya Yatra ahead of the 2004 general elections to bring home the message that India was “rising under BJP rule”.
In 1997, Advani launched Swarna Jayanti Rath Yatra to commemorate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. He led Janadesh Yatra in 1993 in a bid to mobilise public opinion against then Narasimha Rao govt’s attempt to ban religion from public life.
In 1990, he spearheaded Ram Rath Yatra in order to pledge support for rebuilding the Ram temple in Ayodhya.
It’s been 21 years. The wheels of Indian politics rolled a long way since then. From a Hindu nationalist force, BJP has transformed itself into a modern right-wing party.
Now, BJP's original charioteer is on a ‘Jan Chetna Yatra’. This yatra is different from the earlier ones. Unlike his previous yatras, its theme song is not graphite with hindutva or cultural nationalism. Surprisingly, the saffron party’s two crucial points of political pilgrimage -- Somnath and Ayodhya -- are missing from the itinerary of the yatra.
Jai Sri Ram is no longer the chant of this yatra. Rather a rock track titled ‘Ab Bas’ (It's enough) is the anthem. Perhaps this was done with the idea to entice today’s youth.
For the starting point of the yatra, BJP had chosen Sitab Diara in Bihar, the birthplace of Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan over Kasmad in Gujarat, the birthplace of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. However, the yatra was finally flagged off from Chhapra, situated at a distance of 20 kilometres from Sitab Diara as floods played spoilsport. A “secular” Nitish Kumar was roped in to kick start the yatra. This despite the fact that the Bihar Chief Minister do not see eye to eye with BJP’s star performer Narendra Modi. There are reasons.
First, the BJP, through this yatra, wants to focus only and only on anti-corruption. And it was more of a metaphor that the yatra against corruption started from the land of JP -- the ultimate icon of India’s anti-corruption movement -- on his birth anniversary October 11. Second, it was in October 1990 at Samastipur in Bihar that Advani was arrested on the orders of then chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav during his Ram Rath Yatra.
It was more symbolic that in October 2011, Chief Minister of the same state flagged up another addition of Advani’s yatra. But, by roping in Nitish Kumar to flag it off, the party has sent a clear message that it is reconciled to a larger NDA platform.
The yatra is undertaken just before the winter session of Parliament. It was launched at a time when a series of macabre scams have hit the nation and crores in black money are stashed in tax havens. Corruption is being used as a sheet anchor for governance. The Congress-led UPA government is facing credibility crisis as its image has taken a beating. The nation is running through political uncertainty.
Jan Chetna Yatra has a clear political goal. It was specially designed for elections. Trough this yatra, the party wants to tap the popular public mood against a corruption-ridden UPA ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2014.
Through this yatra, Advani wants to sensitise the common men about rising corruption in the country under the Congress-led UPA rule. He wants to rejuvenate and energise the party cadres across the country and bring them into the poll mode much ahead of the next general election.
“Good governance and clean politics”, with this catch-line, Advani’s Jan Chetana ‘rath’ is criss-crossing the nation. The BJP patriarch is calling for a change in the system. “Bhrashtachar mitayenge, naya Bharat banayenge (Let’s root out corruption and rebuild a new India), he says.
The saffron party is hopeful that through this yatra, it will reach out to the common man about the need to establish a “transparent” and “accountable” democratic system.
The BJP wants to initiate a debate on political reforms, administrative reforms, electoral reforms and judicial reforms through the show.
This is not to dispute that BJP as the principal opposition party has tried its best to put the government on tight spot. But, the party is worried that the civil society is eating into much of its anti-government space. And through this yatra the saffron party wants to regain that political space.
But the question remains, will the yatra translate into a political magnet for BJP?
Meanwhile, Advani’s yatra has gone onto a bumpy road. On Day-4, BJP leaders in Madhya Pradesh reportedly tried to “bribe” journalists in order to ensure “favourable coverage” of the yatra. And on Day-6, former Karnataka chief minister BS Yeddyurappa was arrested in connection with land scam.
This reminds me of the famous statement of LK Advani at BJP's Silver Jubilee celebrations in 2005 -- “BJP ka Congressikaran hoa raha hai (Congress culture is creeping up in BJP),” he had said. Even today, the “large hearted” leader is candidly admitting that “small mistakes” are embarrassing the party and asked the partymen to keep the slate clean to fight graft.
The yatra has stirred an animated debate, whether or not Advani is projecting himself as a prime ministerial candidate. What was planned as an anti-corruption movement is now seen as Advani's last throw of the dice as BJP’s prime ministerial face. Through this, Advani is apparently trying to pressurise the party to consider his case.
This is despite the party making it clear that the yatra is not meant for the prime ministerial post. But, Advani’s lurking desire to become the prime minister prompts him of not toeing the party line.
It is a fact that the yatra was announced almost unilaterally by Advani and BJP couldn’t but back it, despite reservations from sections of the party, who saw it as an exercise by the grand old politician to stake claim for prime ministerial candidature once again.
Last month, the BJP veteran called on RSS sarasanghachalak Mohan Bhagawat in Nagpur. It was during the meeting that Bhagawat is learnt to have told Advani that the Sangh would back his yatra only after he came clean on his prime ministerial ambitions. Advani assured Bhagawat that he is not in the race for the next general elections.
However, surprisingly during his yatra, the BJP veteran flip-flopped from his previous position by saying he is “not a contender for PM’s post”, but the “final decision would be that of the party” and he sees “no reason to rule it out publically”. Keeping his prime ministerial ambitions afloat further, the BJP veteran said he would decide on it depending on his "health" and "capability" to contribute at the time of next Lok Sabha polls.
By doing so, Advani kept his own party guessing about his plans. As Advani hops from one point to another, the RSS is learnt to be deeply upset.
It was LK Advani, who along with Atal Bihari Vajpayee who built the BJP from the scratch. He is undoubtedly the tallest leader in the ranks and files of the party and has mentored a whole generation of BJP leaders.
But, will the octogenarian leader pave way for a Generation Next leader to lead the party for the next general elections? Or, will the generation next sacrifice for a guru dakshina? In the days to come, 11 Ashoka Road will be busy in answering these two questions. Hope the questions won’t create yet another vicious leadership battle in the saffron party.
There is a fair chance for the BJP to win the next general elections. Hope the saffron party won’t love to lose yet another opportunity.
-- Appeared in my blog ‘Right Way’ in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/blog/66/blog637.html
BJP’s octogenarian leader LK Advani, in the evening of his life, has embarked on yet another yatra. In his six decades long political career, this is the sixth yatra for the quintessential yatri.
In 2006, Advani undertook Bharat Surakshya Yatra to highlight the failure of the Congress-led UPA government in combating terrorism. He went on Bharat Udaya Yatra ahead of the 2004 general elections to bring home the message that India was “rising under BJP rule”.
In 1997, Advani launched Swarna Jayanti Rath Yatra to commemorate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. He led Janadesh Yatra in 1993 in a bid to mobilise public opinion against then Narasimha Rao govt’s attempt to ban religion from public life.
In 1990, he spearheaded Ram Rath Yatra in order to pledge support for rebuilding the Ram temple in Ayodhya.
It’s been 21 years. The wheels of Indian politics rolled a long way since then. From a Hindu nationalist force, BJP has transformed itself into a modern right-wing party.
Now, BJP's original charioteer is on a ‘Jan Chetna Yatra’. This yatra is different from the earlier ones. Unlike his previous yatras, its theme song is not graphite with hindutva or cultural nationalism. Surprisingly, the saffron party’s two crucial points of political pilgrimage -- Somnath and Ayodhya -- are missing from the itinerary of the yatra.
Jai Sri Ram is no longer the chant of this yatra. Rather a rock track titled ‘Ab Bas’ (It's enough) is the anthem. Perhaps this was done with the idea to entice today’s youth.
For the starting point of the yatra, BJP had chosen Sitab Diara in Bihar, the birthplace of Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan over Kasmad in Gujarat, the birthplace of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. However, the yatra was finally flagged off from Chhapra, situated at a distance of 20 kilometres from Sitab Diara as floods played spoilsport. A “secular” Nitish Kumar was roped in to kick start the yatra. This despite the fact that the Bihar Chief Minister do not see eye to eye with BJP’s star performer Narendra Modi. There are reasons.
First, the BJP, through this yatra, wants to focus only and only on anti-corruption. And it was more of a metaphor that the yatra against corruption started from the land of JP -- the ultimate icon of India’s anti-corruption movement -- on his birth anniversary October 11. Second, it was in October 1990 at Samastipur in Bihar that Advani was arrested on the orders of then chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav during his Ram Rath Yatra.
It was more symbolic that in October 2011, Chief Minister of the same state flagged up another addition of Advani’s yatra. But, by roping in Nitish Kumar to flag it off, the party has sent a clear message that it is reconciled to a larger NDA platform.
The yatra is undertaken just before the winter session of Parliament. It was launched at a time when a series of macabre scams have hit the nation and crores in black money are stashed in tax havens. Corruption is being used as a sheet anchor for governance. The Congress-led UPA government is facing credibility crisis as its image has taken a beating. The nation is running through political uncertainty.
Jan Chetna Yatra has a clear political goal. It was specially designed for elections. Trough this yatra, the party wants to tap the popular public mood against a corruption-ridden UPA ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2014.
Through this yatra, Advani wants to sensitise the common men about rising corruption in the country under the Congress-led UPA rule. He wants to rejuvenate and energise the party cadres across the country and bring them into the poll mode much ahead of the next general election.
“Good governance and clean politics”, with this catch-line, Advani’s Jan Chetana ‘rath’ is criss-crossing the nation. The BJP patriarch is calling for a change in the system. “Bhrashtachar mitayenge, naya Bharat banayenge (Let’s root out corruption and rebuild a new India), he says.
The saffron party is hopeful that through this yatra, it will reach out to the common man about the need to establish a “transparent” and “accountable” democratic system.
The BJP wants to initiate a debate on political reforms, administrative reforms, electoral reforms and judicial reforms through the show.
This is not to dispute that BJP as the principal opposition party has tried its best to put the government on tight spot. But, the party is worried that the civil society is eating into much of its anti-government space. And through this yatra the saffron party wants to regain that political space.
But the question remains, will the yatra translate into a political magnet for BJP?
Meanwhile, Advani’s yatra has gone onto a bumpy road. On Day-4, BJP leaders in Madhya Pradesh reportedly tried to “bribe” journalists in order to ensure “favourable coverage” of the yatra. And on Day-6, former Karnataka chief minister BS Yeddyurappa was arrested in connection with land scam.
This reminds me of the famous statement of LK Advani at BJP's Silver Jubilee celebrations in 2005 -- “BJP ka Congressikaran hoa raha hai (Congress culture is creeping up in BJP),” he had said. Even today, the “large hearted” leader is candidly admitting that “small mistakes” are embarrassing the party and asked the partymen to keep the slate clean to fight graft.
The yatra has stirred an animated debate, whether or not Advani is projecting himself as a prime ministerial candidate. What was planned as an anti-corruption movement is now seen as Advani's last throw of the dice as BJP’s prime ministerial face. Through this, Advani is apparently trying to pressurise the party to consider his case.
This is despite the party making it clear that the yatra is not meant for the prime ministerial post. But, Advani’s lurking desire to become the prime minister prompts him of not toeing the party line.
It is a fact that the yatra was announced almost unilaterally by Advani and BJP couldn’t but back it, despite reservations from sections of the party, who saw it as an exercise by the grand old politician to stake claim for prime ministerial candidature once again.
Last month, the BJP veteran called on RSS sarasanghachalak Mohan Bhagawat in Nagpur. It was during the meeting that Bhagawat is learnt to have told Advani that the Sangh would back his yatra only after he came clean on his prime ministerial ambitions. Advani assured Bhagawat that he is not in the race for the next general elections.
However, surprisingly during his yatra, the BJP veteran flip-flopped from his previous position by saying he is “not a contender for PM’s post”, but the “final decision would be that of the party” and he sees “no reason to rule it out publically”. Keeping his prime ministerial ambitions afloat further, the BJP veteran said he would decide on it depending on his "health" and "capability" to contribute at the time of next Lok Sabha polls.
By doing so, Advani kept his own party guessing about his plans. As Advani hops from one point to another, the RSS is learnt to be deeply upset.
It was LK Advani, who along with Atal Bihari Vajpayee who built the BJP from the scratch. He is undoubtedly the tallest leader in the ranks and files of the party and has mentored a whole generation of BJP leaders.
But, will the octogenarian leader pave way for a Generation Next leader to lead the party for the next general elections? Or, will the generation next sacrifice for a guru dakshina? In the days to come, 11 Ashoka Road will be busy in answering these two questions. Hope the questions won’t create yet another vicious leadership battle in the saffron party.
There is a fair chance for the BJP to win the next general elections. Hope the saffron party won’t love to lose yet another opportunity.
-- Appeared in my blog ‘Right Way’ in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/blog/66/blog637.html
Saturday, October 8, 2011
PC’s white dress and UPA’s detergent
Saswat Panigrahi
The 2G spectrum scam is no longer just a DMK affair now. The then telecom minister A Raja had allocated second generation spectrum licenses arbitrarily to fly-by-night applicants in 2008 at 2001 price, by throwing the rule book out of the window. Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram, now Home Minister, then finance minister, who was supposed to be the “ultimate authority” in spectrum pricing, simply endorsed the policy decision. It was that policy decision which paved the way for the 2G loot.
Now evidence is pouring in to corroborate the very fact. Let me piece together all those evidences and ask the readers to read between the lines.
Raja-PC meeting dated Jan 30, 2008
Just 20 days after the controversial allotment of spectrum by A Raja, an important meeting between the then telecom minister and then finance minister P Chidambaram was held on January 30, 2008.
The minutes of the meeting -- prepared and signed by the then finance secretary and now RBI governor D Subbarao – which surfaced recently, has made some startling revelations.
During the meeting, it was noted that there was a mismatch in the demand and supply of spectrum across circles.
“The finance minister said that for now we are not seeking to revisit the current regimes for entry fee or for revenue share,” the minutes said.
The meeting also discussed the changing of merger and acquisition rules in the telecom sector.
“In view of the large number of new operators, it is expected that some of the companies might have obtained licences as a speculative venture. Hence, some mergers and acquisitions are likely to take place after some time which, de facto, would amount to spectrum trading, as a large part of the company’s valuation may be on account of the spectrum held by them,” the minutes said.
Incidentally, in April 2008, Raja abruptly changed the merger and acquisition norms for facilitating the sale of equity by Swan and Unitech to foreign telecom players Telenor and Etisalat. In turn Swan and Unitech made windfall profits.
Remember, the government had earlier claimed that there were no minutes of January 30, 2008 meeting between Chidambaram and Raja!
"The meeting was not such where the situation warranted preparation of any minutes," Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal had said.
This is now not to dispute that the government lied on Raja-Chidambaram meeting. But there are reasons. Government’s crisis manager wanted to protect Chidambaram.
How PC overruled Subarao?
In the run up to the January 15, 2008 event, the then finance secretary D Subbarao had several consultations with Chidambaram in which he strongly disputed the idea to allocate second generation spectrum at a seven years old price. Moreover, Subarao had issued a directive to the Department of Telecom (DoT) to stay the Spectrum allotment. But, his objections were simply brushed aside by the then finance minister to favour Raja’s dubious spectrum allotment.
Subbarao’s recent deposition before the Parliament Accounts Committee (PAC) has brought light to the fact.
PC’s letter to PM dated Januray 15, 2008
Just five days after the dubious allotment of 2G spectrum, finance minister P Chidambaram wrote a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on January 15, 2008, suggesting that the January 10, 2008 events should be treated as a “closed chapter”. The letter was unveiled in the draft report on 2G scam prepared by PAC. The letter further points to Chidambaram’s complicity in the 2G spectrum scam. And the story does not end there.
Fin Min note to PMO dated Mar 25, 2011
A Finance Ministry note, dated March 25, 2011, sent to Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) further faulted Chidambaram.
The 11-page note, prepared by the Department of Economic Affairs, under the Ministry of Finance (MoF) -- signed by PGS Rao, deputy director, Infrastructure and Investment division and marked as “seen by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee” -- is a strong indictment of Chidambaram in 2G spectrum scam.
According to the note, the January 2008 spectrum allotment could have been cancelled and Telecom Ministry could have gone for an auction had the then finance minister P Chidambaram insisted on it.
The note obtained by RTI, a copy of which has been submitted to the Supreme Court suggested that Chidambaram and the jailed former telecom minister A Raja had jointly determined the price fixation of the 2G spectrum. The finance ministry under Chidambaram "implicitly agreed to imposition of same entry fee as that prevailing in 2001 for licences allotted up to December 31, 2008", it said.
It is an open secret that the Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Home Minister P Chidamabaram are political detractors within the Congress rank. The politically volatile note has brought to the fore the rift between the two heavyweights in the UPA cabinet.
The “mysterious note” has ignited yet another political fire on 2G.
Cong says all is well
After a series of hectic political activities in the Congress camp, a ceasefire between the two “warring ministers” has apparently been reached. This, after UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi asked Pranab Mukherjee to “bail out” Chidambaram and douse the 2G fire.
It went as per the 10, Janpath script. Mukherjee and Chidamabaram appeared before the rolling television cameras in North block. They were flanked by Telecom Minister Kipal Sibal and Law Minister Salman Kurshid.
In a carefully-worded statement Mukherjee described the 2G note as “an inter-ministerial background paper” and said “it did not reflect his views”. Reacting to his statement, Chidambaram simply responded, “I am happy with the statement made by my senior colleague. I accept the statement...the matter is closed.”
The event virtually looked like this: “Canned by their political masters Chidambaram and Mukherjee made an unwilling duet to the tune of all is well”.
But, the Congress event managers perhaps have forgotten that it was not an intra-party event to end up with a photo finish neither have the “spin doctors” of the Congress party failed to understand that it was not an ego battle to be settled between two ministers.
Crisis far from over
To cut a long story short, Chidamabram as the finance minister facilitated the 2G loot. He has been exposed out in the open.
“The matter is closed” -- this is the tainted minister’s take on 2G issue. Nothing could be a more awful joke...
But, an ‘honest Prime Minister’ has chosen to stand by Chidamabarm when the opposition knives are out against him. “The opposition is restless to force early polls,” the PM says.
The last but not the least, CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) has confirmed that it has been converted to an ancillary syndication of the Congress party by arguing in the Supreme Court, “Chidambaram is being targeted politically.”
All eyes are now on the apex court as it lists its next hearing of the case on October 10. On the D-Day the Supreme Court is expected to take a final call on Chidambaram’s role in 2G scam.
The UPA government is lurching from one crisis to another. Now, an already crippled government is losing its grip over governance. The moot question is, will the government last its full term. Only time will tell.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/pc-s-white-dress-and-upa-s-detergent_735445.html
The 2G spectrum scam is no longer just a DMK affair now. The then telecom minister A Raja had allocated second generation spectrum licenses arbitrarily to fly-by-night applicants in 2008 at 2001 price, by throwing the rule book out of the window. Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram, now Home Minister, then finance minister, who was supposed to be the “ultimate authority” in spectrum pricing, simply endorsed the policy decision. It was that policy decision which paved the way for the 2G loot.
Now evidence is pouring in to corroborate the very fact. Let me piece together all those evidences and ask the readers to read between the lines.
Raja-PC meeting dated Jan 30, 2008
Just 20 days after the controversial allotment of spectrum by A Raja, an important meeting between the then telecom minister and then finance minister P Chidambaram was held on January 30, 2008.
The minutes of the meeting -- prepared and signed by the then finance secretary and now RBI governor D Subbarao – which surfaced recently, has made some startling revelations.
During the meeting, it was noted that there was a mismatch in the demand and supply of spectrum across circles.
“The finance minister said that for now we are not seeking to revisit the current regimes for entry fee or for revenue share,” the minutes said.
The meeting also discussed the changing of merger and acquisition rules in the telecom sector.
“In view of the large number of new operators, it is expected that some of the companies might have obtained licences as a speculative venture. Hence, some mergers and acquisitions are likely to take place after some time which, de facto, would amount to spectrum trading, as a large part of the company’s valuation may be on account of the spectrum held by them,” the minutes said.
Incidentally, in April 2008, Raja abruptly changed the merger and acquisition norms for facilitating the sale of equity by Swan and Unitech to foreign telecom players Telenor and Etisalat. In turn Swan and Unitech made windfall profits.
Remember, the government had earlier claimed that there were no minutes of January 30, 2008 meeting between Chidambaram and Raja!
"The meeting was not such where the situation warranted preparation of any minutes," Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal had said.
This is now not to dispute that the government lied on Raja-Chidambaram meeting. But there are reasons. Government’s crisis manager wanted to protect Chidambaram.
How PC overruled Subarao?
In the run up to the January 15, 2008 event, the then finance secretary D Subbarao had several consultations with Chidambaram in which he strongly disputed the idea to allocate second generation spectrum at a seven years old price. Moreover, Subarao had issued a directive to the Department of Telecom (DoT) to stay the Spectrum allotment. But, his objections were simply brushed aside by the then finance minister to favour Raja’s dubious spectrum allotment.
Subbarao’s recent deposition before the Parliament Accounts Committee (PAC) has brought light to the fact.
PC’s letter to PM dated Januray 15, 2008
Just five days after the dubious allotment of 2G spectrum, finance minister P Chidambaram wrote a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on January 15, 2008, suggesting that the January 10, 2008 events should be treated as a “closed chapter”. The letter was unveiled in the draft report on 2G scam prepared by PAC. The letter further points to Chidambaram’s complicity in the 2G spectrum scam. And the story does not end there.
Fin Min note to PMO dated Mar 25, 2011
A Finance Ministry note, dated March 25, 2011, sent to Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) further faulted Chidambaram.
The 11-page note, prepared by the Department of Economic Affairs, under the Ministry of Finance (MoF) -- signed by PGS Rao, deputy director, Infrastructure and Investment division and marked as “seen by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee” -- is a strong indictment of Chidambaram in 2G spectrum scam.
According to the note, the January 2008 spectrum allotment could have been cancelled and Telecom Ministry could have gone for an auction had the then finance minister P Chidambaram insisted on it.
The note obtained by RTI, a copy of which has been submitted to the Supreme Court suggested that Chidambaram and the jailed former telecom minister A Raja had jointly determined the price fixation of the 2G spectrum. The finance ministry under Chidambaram "implicitly agreed to imposition of same entry fee as that prevailing in 2001 for licences allotted up to December 31, 2008", it said.
It is an open secret that the Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Home Minister P Chidamabaram are political detractors within the Congress rank. The politically volatile note has brought to the fore the rift between the two heavyweights in the UPA cabinet.
The “mysterious note” has ignited yet another political fire on 2G.
Cong says all is well
After a series of hectic political activities in the Congress camp, a ceasefire between the two “warring ministers” has apparently been reached. This, after UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi asked Pranab Mukherjee to “bail out” Chidambaram and douse the 2G fire.
It went as per the 10, Janpath script. Mukherjee and Chidamabaram appeared before the rolling television cameras in North block. They were flanked by Telecom Minister Kipal Sibal and Law Minister Salman Kurshid.
In a carefully-worded statement Mukherjee described the 2G note as “an inter-ministerial background paper” and said “it did not reflect his views”. Reacting to his statement, Chidambaram simply responded, “I am happy with the statement made by my senior colleague. I accept the statement...the matter is closed.”
The event virtually looked like this: “Canned by their political masters Chidambaram and Mukherjee made an unwilling duet to the tune of all is well”.
But, the Congress event managers perhaps have forgotten that it was not an intra-party event to end up with a photo finish neither have the “spin doctors” of the Congress party failed to understand that it was not an ego battle to be settled between two ministers.
Crisis far from over
To cut a long story short, Chidamabram as the finance minister facilitated the 2G loot. He has been exposed out in the open.
“The matter is closed” -- this is the tainted minister’s take on 2G issue. Nothing could be a more awful joke...
But, an ‘honest Prime Minister’ has chosen to stand by Chidamabarm when the opposition knives are out against him. “The opposition is restless to force early polls,” the PM says.
The last but not the least, CBI (Central Bureau of Investigation) has confirmed that it has been converted to an ancillary syndication of the Congress party by arguing in the Supreme Court, “Chidambaram is being targeted politically.”
All eyes are now on the apex court as it lists its next hearing of the case on October 10. On the D-Day the Supreme Court is expected to take a final call on Chidambaram’s role in 2G scam.
The UPA government is lurching from one crisis to another. Now, an already crippled government is losing its grip over governance. The moot question is, will the government last its full term. Only time will tell.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/pc-s-white-dress-and-upa-s-detergent_735445.html
Sunday, September 4, 2011
Jan Nayak Anna Hazare
Saswat Panigrahi
My father reminiscences how during their university days they thronged to join Jayprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti movement. Now, my generation can proudly say we are part of Sampoorna Kranti-II launched by Anna Hazare.
There are enough similarities and a few differences between the two mass movements. In both the movements, corruption was the key word.
Lok Nayak Jayprakash called for a sampoorna kranti (total revolution) to unseat an “autocratic” and “corrupt” Congress regime headed by Indira Gandhi. It was through the movement, Jayprakash raised the larger questions of propriety and morality in public life.
Iconic Gandhian Anna Hazare also launched another sampoorna kranti to press for a strong anti-corruption ombudsman at a time when a series of macabre scams -- 2G spectrum scam, CWG scam, CVC appointment scam, Odisha mining scam, Vedanta land grab scams, Adarsh housing society scam, Karnataka mining scam (the list could go on) -- have hit the nation. Unlike the 1970s, corruption is no longer the fiefdom of the Congress party. In this season of scams, corruption is almost a way of life and is often being used as a sheet anchor for governance. That was precisely the reason the soldier-turned anti-corruption crusader made it clear, “The revolution is not against any particular party or a government. It is meant for a change in the system.”
Hazare’s 12-day-long satyagraha to press for a stronger Lokpal Bill has awakened the nation. The movement has rekindled nationalism. Bowing before the mass movement, both the houses of Parliament in their resolution in principle agreed to Hazare’s three key demands, which include bringing lower bureaucracy in the ambit of Lokpal, appointing Lokayuktas in the states and a citizen's charter for government departments.
The nation saw history being once again anchored from the historic Ramlila Maidan. Call it the victory of democracy or victory of peoples’ power; it was for the first time that peoples’ voice got heard in the legislation making process. So, call him Jan Nayak.
In a rare occasion, the ruling Congress and the Opposition BJP came together in bringing the Lokpal dispute to a closure at least for the time being. It is a little known fact that Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Leader of the Opposition in Rajya Shabha Arun Jaitley worked together on the final draft of the Lokpal resolution. And Anna Hazare deserves all credit for this.
The 74-year-old Gandhian opened the cold storage of Indian politics and picked up an issue on which Parliament sat on for four decades. Hardly did anyone think that the issue could now shake Indian politics.
Those aware of the political history of India would know that the idea of Lokpal was floated way back in 1963 by LM Singhvi, an independent member of Lok Sabha. The Lokpal Bill was first introduced in 1968 by the Indira Gandhi government. It was consequently passed in Lok Sabha in 1969. It was in the same year that the ruling Congress split and the bill could not get through in Rajya Sabha.
The bill was subsequently introduced in Parliament nine times between 1971 and 2008, but continually stymied each time. Governments introducing the legislation either failed to complete full term or didn’t return to power. It was last introduced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee government in 2001. The bill was then put on the backburner by UPA-I regime.
Thanks to Hazare, once again Parliament has woken up to the essence of the Lokpal Bill. Now the bill is in parliamentary Standing Committee’s court. Interestingly, late LM Singhvi’s son senior Congress leader Abhishek Manu Singhvi is heading the Standing Committee on Law and Justice, which looks into the draft of the bill.
“For 40 years, we could not pass the Lokpal Bill. I accept lapse of our governments”, candidly admitted UPA’s crisis manager Pranab Mukherjee in the floor of the house. But today, the nation wants an answer. Why did it take so long? Who is guilty of the inexplicable delay?
It is now up to the government to follow the legislation making process. The parliamentary Standing Committee should work out the final draft of the Lokpal Bill without any delay, so that it can be tabled in Parliament. But, as the Standing Committee now bats for Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s “game changing” idea to make the Lokpal a constitutional institution, further “procedural delay” is in the offing. It seems the passage of the bill may be a long way ahead.
This is not to dispute that the draft of the Lokpal Bill gives restricted remit to the Lokpal institution. The draft needs to be rewritten in order to widen the ambit of Lokpal. A copy of the Jan Lokpal Bill prepared by Team Anna is also with the Standing Committee. Best provisions of the Jan Lokpal should be incorporated in the bill taking a broader national consensus into account.
Hope the new Lokpal Bill will give enough space for the independence of the ombudsman. The bill should talk about a transparent appointment system for Lokpal. The last, but not the least: there is a possibility that the Lokpal could turn corrupt and in that case the bill should have the provisions for recalling the Lokpal.
The government should act and act fast. The Jan Nayak is watching their every move.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/jan-nayak-anna-hazare_729743.html
My father reminiscences how during their university days they thronged to join Jayprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti movement. Now, my generation can proudly say we are part of Sampoorna Kranti-II launched by Anna Hazare.
There are enough similarities and a few differences between the two mass movements. In both the movements, corruption was the key word.
Lok Nayak Jayprakash called for a sampoorna kranti (total revolution) to unseat an “autocratic” and “corrupt” Congress regime headed by Indira Gandhi. It was through the movement, Jayprakash raised the larger questions of propriety and morality in public life.
Iconic Gandhian Anna Hazare also launched another sampoorna kranti to press for a strong anti-corruption ombudsman at a time when a series of macabre scams -- 2G spectrum scam, CWG scam, CVC appointment scam, Odisha mining scam, Vedanta land grab scams, Adarsh housing society scam, Karnataka mining scam (the list could go on) -- have hit the nation. Unlike the 1970s, corruption is no longer the fiefdom of the Congress party. In this season of scams, corruption is almost a way of life and is often being used as a sheet anchor for governance. That was precisely the reason the soldier-turned anti-corruption crusader made it clear, “The revolution is not against any particular party or a government. It is meant for a change in the system.”
Hazare’s 12-day-long satyagraha to press for a stronger Lokpal Bill has awakened the nation. The movement has rekindled nationalism. Bowing before the mass movement, both the houses of Parliament in their resolution in principle agreed to Hazare’s three key demands, which include bringing lower bureaucracy in the ambit of Lokpal, appointing Lokayuktas in the states and a citizen's charter for government departments.
The nation saw history being once again anchored from the historic Ramlila Maidan. Call it the victory of democracy or victory of peoples’ power; it was for the first time that peoples’ voice got heard in the legislation making process. So, call him Jan Nayak.
In a rare occasion, the ruling Congress and the Opposition BJP came together in bringing the Lokpal dispute to a closure at least for the time being. It is a little known fact that Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Leader of the Opposition in Rajya Shabha Arun Jaitley worked together on the final draft of the Lokpal resolution. And Anna Hazare deserves all credit for this.
The 74-year-old Gandhian opened the cold storage of Indian politics and picked up an issue on which Parliament sat on for four decades. Hardly did anyone think that the issue could now shake Indian politics.
Those aware of the political history of India would know that the idea of Lokpal was floated way back in 1963 by LM Singhvi, an independent member of Lok Sabha. The Lokpal Bill was first introduced in 1968 by the Indira Gandhi government. It was consequently passed in Lok Sabha in 1969. It was in the same year that the ruling Congress split and the bill could not get through in Rajya Sabha.
The bill was subsequently introduced in Parliament nine times between 1971 and 2008, but continually stymied each time. Governments introducing the legislation either failed to complete full term or didn’t return to power. It was last introduced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee government in 2001. The bill was then put on the backburner by UPA-I regime.
Thanks to Hazare, once again Parliament has woken up to the essence of the Lokpal Bill. Now the bill is in parliamentary Standing Committee’s court. Interestingly, late LM Singhvi’s son senior Congress leader Abhishek Manu Singhvi is heading the Standing Committee on Law and Justice, which looks into the draft of the bill.
“For 40 years, we could not pass the Lokpal Bill. I accept lapse of our governments”, candidly admitted UPA’s crisis manager Pranab Mukherjee in the floor of the house. But today, the nation wants an answer. Why did it take so long? Who is guilty of the inexplicable delay?
It is now up to the government to follow the legislation making process. The parliamentary Standing Committee should work out the final draft of the Lokpal Bill without any delay, so that it can be tabled in Parliament. But, as the Standing Committee now bats for Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s “game changing” idea to make the Lokpal a constitutional institution, further “procedural delay” is in the offing. It seems the passage of the bill may be a long way ahead.
This is not to dispute that the draft of the Lokpal Bill gives restricted remit to the Lokpal institution. The draft needs to be rewritten in order to widen the ambit of Lokpal. A copy of the Jan Lokpal Bill prepared by Team Anna is also with the Standing Committee. Best provisions of the Jan Lokpal should be incorporated in the bill taking a broader national consensus into account.
Hope the new Lokpal Bill will give enough space for the independence of the ombudsman. The bill should talk about a transparent appointment system for Lokpal. The last, but not the least: there is a possibility that the Lokpal could turn corrupt and in that case the bill should have the provisions for recalling the Lokpal.
The government should act and act fast. The Jan Nayak is watching their every move.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/jan-nayak-anna-hazare_729743.html
Tuesday, August 23, 2011
'Karnataka episode had embarrassed the BJP’
Observers say Karnataka is BJP’s raw nerve. It has now been a month since Karnataka got a new Chief Minister ending yet another crisis for the BJP after frantic efforts by party top brass. But trouble in the Karnataka unit of BJP is refusing to die down. Saswat Panigrahi of Zeenews.com caught up with BJP national general secretary and party’s key trouble shooter Dharmendra Pradhan, who micromanages the party affairs in Karnataka.
Saswat: Crisis and Karnataka BJP go hand in hand. Sometime, it is ‘Reddy-made’, sometime it is ‘Bharadwaj-made’ and sometime it is ‘Yeddy-made’. After you became the prabhari, you must be having a tough time in steering the Karnataka unit out of troubles.
Dharmendra: There is no trouble as such. In the recent past, the party has faced certain political developments and tackled those quite effectively. By taking everything into consideration, the party has taken a stand. Now, the new Chief Minister has taken up his task. The party and legislative party, both are behind the new leadership. Things are gradually limping back to normalcy.
The party has made promises to the people of Karnataka. For the last three years, we have been fulfilling those promises and we will continue to fulfil them.
Saswat: Initially there were demands about Yeddyurappa’s removal. The Governor also recommended the same. But with the leaked Lokayukta report, BJP finally replaced him. What actually led to his removal?
Dharmendra: Look…that was our old stand. BJP does not take any political decision based upon somebody’s allegations or statements.
The party has maintained that action would be taken if some judicial authority recommends something on the allegations. Honourable Lokayukta named Yeddyurappaji in his report. Though, we had certain reservations about the report as we believe that some judicial anomalies are there in his report, we respect the judicial report and the party took action upon it.
Saswat: Now Karnataka have got a Yeddy-made Chief Minister. Yeddyurappa has his way. He played hardball and emerged as a leader in his own right. He literally handpicked Sadananda Gowda as his successor.
Dharmendra: This analysis is not true. Undoubtedly, Yeddyurappaji is one among the tallest leaders of the state. Politically, dynamically, Yeddyurappaji is a very popular man.
But, Sadananda Gowdaji was elected by the legislative party unanimously within the democratic process.
Saswat: But why an MP? Why has the party not chosen a legislator as the Chief Minister?
Dharmendra: There is nothing binding that an MP can’t be the leader of the legislative party. There have been precedents in the past. Many times, many states have done this.
Sadananda Gowdaji is an old party worker. He is a very senior leader of my party in Karnataka. It was under him as the state president that BJP rode to power in Karnataka in 2008. He was the deputy leader of opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly. Since his student days, he was an activist.
Saswat: It is said that BJP top brass pushed Jagdish Settar. Reports say senior party leader Ananth Kumar made a vain bid for Settar. But it could not be proved in the ballot box.
Dharmendra: As far as the legislative party is concerned, it has the full authority to decide its own leader. There may be certain differences in the legislative party while selecting the new leader. But all those are internal matters of the party. I don’t want to spell it out in media. But, at no point did the central leadership push anybody. The legislative party has chosen its leader through a democratic process.
Saswat: After the party failed to reach a consensus, the leader of the legislative party was chosen via a secret ballot. Has it exposed the internecine differences? In other words, is BJP badly divided in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: It goes to BJP’s credit that the party allows individuals to aspire for the higher office. This is in sharp contrast to Congress party, where central leadership takes the call on who will be the Chief Minister. I must say the secret ballot to select the new leader points that democratic values exists in BJP.
Saswat: The fissures in the Karnataka unit of BJP were visible during the ministry formation exercise. It was indeed a tough situation with two warring factions involved in hectic lobbying.
Dharmendra: I don’t think so. Ministry formation takes some time. The first phase went smoothly. The second phase will take place shortly. Cabinet expansion is a natural process. It has to take its due time considering certain political-driven matters of the state.
Saswat: The ministry expansion thankfully dropped the controversial mining czar Reddy brothers. Though late, the party has finally acted against them.
Since long, allegations were pouring on them being involved in illegal mining. But what was hindering the party -- which raises strong voice against corruption -- to get rid of Reddy brothers?
Dharmendra: There is no point getting rid of anybody. Politics can’t run through allegations and perceptions. It has to be supported and backed by documents. As I told you earlier, the party has all along maintained that if the allegations are backed by at least certain perceived evidences, the party can think about it. Honourable Lokayukta in his report on illegal mining named Reddy brothers. As per the reported findings of the judicial authority the party has acted upon it politically.
Saswat: Now Jagdish Settar bats for Reddy brothers to include them in the cabinet. He is quoted as saying that Reddy brothers must be included into the ministry as they have strived hard to build BJP in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: I am not aware of any such report. If at all there are, it is not a right interpretation. Who will be in the ministry and who will not be in the ministry is the prerogative of the Chief Minister.
Saswat: The Lokayukta report has put the Karnataka mining scam to the tune of Rs 16, 085 crore. For the first time a Lokayukta report has indicted a ruling BJP CM. To be honest, has the first BJP government in the south dented the saffron party’s image?
Dharmendra: Yes, this is certainly an embarrassment for the party. But the party has taken a political stand at the right time. I think we will overcome the crisis soon as we go back to serve the people of Karnataka.
Saswat: Taking a leaf from the Lokayukta report, Governor H R Bharadwaj says his stand has been vindicated. He has sanctioned prosecution actions against Yedurappa.
Dharmendra: Certain legal procedures are going on. Let it come out. The Governor is authorised to do so. But, that does not mean that his old sins can be justified.
I must remind you that his Excellency Governor HR Bharadwaj has a long history of running an agenda. Ever since he assumed Raj Bhawan in Bangalore, he has been working as an agent of Congress party.
In January this year he sanctioned prosecution of Yedurappa in an alleged land scam even before any preliminary enquiry. It was purely based on observation.
On two different occasions, the Honourable Governor recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule, despite our government successfully scrapped through trust vote. And finally Congress-led central government could not but reject the recommendations.
Saswat: Is Yeddyurappa turning into a liability for BJP?
Dharmendra: No, not at all. Yeddyurappa is a matured leader. Certain cases are there. Certain issues are there. But he will remain an asset for the party.
Saswat: Will BJP be able to wriggle out of the problems in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: I don’t think there is any problem. Certain issues have been raised. Simultaneously, the party had to take certain decisions. There are certain differences of opinions too, but when it comes to politically facing and carrying out our responsibility, the party is united.
The party has always overcome hurdles. I am sure, in the future also, the party and the new leadership of Karnataka will overcome all the difficult situations that might arise.
Saswat: What will be the road ahead for BJP in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: Our primary responsibility is to fulfil our promises and commitments to the people of Karnataka in the next two years. Our focus is to complete all development programs as per the target; we remain committed to the promises that were made during the previous regime. Initiating new development programs are BJP’s immediate priorities in Karnataka.
The new Chief Minister has made it clear that the government will run on the two point agendas of development and good governance.
We will continue to serve the state, thereby will be connected with the people. If we are successful in striking a chord with the people of Karnataka, we can definitely ask for the 2013 mandate in favour of the party. That is our political target.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/karnataka-episode-had-embarrassed-the-bjp_727834.html
Saswat: Crisis and Karnataka BJP go hand in hand. Sometime, it is ‘Reddy-made’, sometime it is ‘Bharadwaj-made’ and sometime it is ‘Yeddy-made’. After you became the prabhari, you must be having a tough time in steering the Karnataka unit out of troubles.
Dharmendra: There is no trouble as such. In the recent past, the party has faced certain political developments and tackled those quite effectively. By taking everything into consideration, the party has taken a stand. Now, the new Chief Minister has taken up his task. The party and legislative party, both are behind the new leadership. Things are gradually limping back to normalcy.
The party has made promises to the people of Karnataka. For the last three years, we have been fulfilling those promises and we will continue to fulfil them.
Saswat: Initially there were demands about Yeddyurappa’s removal. The Governor also recommended the same. But with the leaked Lokayukta report, BJP finally replaced him. What actually led to his removal?
Dharmendra: Look…that was our old stand. BJP does not take any political decision based upon somebody’s allegations or statements.
The party has maintained that action would be taken if some judicial authority recommends something on the allegations. Honourable Lokayukta named Yeddyurappaji in his report. Though, we had certain reservations about the report as we believe that some judicial anomalies are there in his report, we respect the judicial report and the party took action upon it.
Saswat: Now Karnataka have got a Yeddy-made Chief Minister. Yeddyurappa has his way. He played hardball and emerged as a leader in his own right. He literally handpicked Sadananda Gowda as his successor.
Dharmendra: This analysis is not true. Undoubtedly, Yeddyurappaji is one among the tallest leaders of the state. Politically, dynamically, Yeddyurappaji is a very popular man.
But, Sadananda Gowdaji was elected by the legislative party unanimously within the democratic process.
Saswat: But why an MP? Why has the party not chosen a legislator as the Chief Minister?
Dharmendra: There is nothing binding that an MP can’t be the leader of the legislative party. There have been precedents in the past. Many times, many states have done this.
Sadananda Gowdaji is an old party worker. He is a very senior leader of my party in Karnataka. It was under him as the state president that BJP rode to power in Karnataka in 2008. He was the deputy leader of opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly. Since his student days, he was an activist.
Saswat: It is said that BJP top brass pushed Jagdish Settar. Reports say senior party leader Ananth Kumar made a vain bid for Settar. But it could not be proved in the ballot box.
Dharmendra: As far as the legislative party is concerned, it has the full authority to decide its own leader. There may be certain differences in the legislative party while selecting the new leader. But all those are internal matters of the party. I don’t want to spell it out in media. But, at no point did the central leadership push anybody. The legislative party has chosen its leader through a democratic process.
Saswat: After the party failed to reach a consensus, the leader of the legislative party was chosen via a secret ballot. Has it exposed the internecine differences? In other words, is BJP badly divided in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: It goes to BJP’s credit that the party allows individuals to aspire for the higher office. This is in sharp contrast to Congress party, where central leadership takes the call on who will be the Chief Minister. I must say the secret ballot to select the new leader points that democratic values exists in BJP.
Saswat: The fissures in the Karnataka unit of BJP were visible during the ministry formation exercise. It was indeed a tough situation with two warring factions involved in hectic lobbying.
Dharmendra: I don’t think so. Ministry formation takes some time. The first phase went smoothly. The second phase will take place shortly. Cabinet expansion is a natural process. It has to take its due time considering certain political-driven matters of the state.
Saswat: The ministry expansion thankfully dropped the controversial mining czar Reddy brothers. Though late, the party has finally acted against them.
Since long, allegations were pouring on them being involved in illegal mining. But what was hindering the party -- which raises strong voice against corruption -- to get rid of Reddy brothers?
Dharmendra: There is no point getting rid of anybody. Politics can’t run through allegations and perceptions. It has to be supported and backed by documents. As I told you earlier, the party has all along maintained that if the allegations are backed by at least certain perceived evidences, the party can think about it. Honourable Lokayukta in his report on illegal mining named Reddy brothers. As per the reported findings of the judicial authority the party has acted upon it politically.
Saswat: Now Jagdish Settar bats for Reddy brothers to include them in the cabinet. He is quoted as saying that Reddy brothers must be included into the ministry as they have strived hard to build BJP in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: I am not aware of any such report. If at all there are, it is not a right interpretation. Who will be in the ministry and who will not be in the ministry is the prerogative of the Chief Minister.
Saswat: The Lokayukta report has put the Karnataka mining scam to the tune of Rs 16, 085 crore. For the first time a Lokayukta report has indicted a ruling BJP CM. To be honest, has the first BJP government in the south dented the saffron party’s image?
Dharmendra: Yes, this is certainly an embarrassment for the party. But the party has taken a political stand at the right time. I think we will overcome the crisis soon as we go back to serve the people of Karnataka.
Saswat: Taking a leaf from the Lokayukta report, Governor H R Bharadwaj says his stand has been vindicated. He has sanctioned prosecution actions against Yedurappa.
Dharmendra: Certain legal procedures are going on. Let it come out. The Governor is authorised to do so. But, that does not mean that his old sins can be justified.
I must remind you that his Excellency Governor HR Bharadwaj has a long history of running an agenda. Ever since he assumed Raj Bhawan in Bangalore, he has been working as an agent of Congress party.
In January this year he sanctioned prosecution of Yedurappa in an alleged land scam even before any preliminary enquiry. It was purely based on observation.
On two different occasions, the Honourable Governor recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule, despite our government successfully scrapped through trust vote. And finally Congress-led central government could not but reject the recommendations.
Saswat: Is Yeddyurappa turning into a liability for BJP?
Dharmendra: No, not at all. Yeddyurappa is a matured leader. Certain cases are there. Certain issues are there. But he will remain an asset for the party.
Saswat: Will BJP be able to wriggle out of the problems in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: I don’t think there is any problem. Certain issues have been raised. Simultaneously, the party had to take certain decisions. There are certain differences of opinions too, but when it comes to politically facing and carrying out our responsibility, the party is united.
The party has always overcome hurdles. I am sure, in the future also, the party and the new leadership of Karnataka will overcome all the difficult situations that might arise.
Saswat: What will be the road ahead for BJP in Karnataka?
Dharmendra: Our primary responsibility is to fulfil our promises and commitments to the people of Karnataka in the next two years. Our focus is to complete all development programs as per the target; we remain committed to the promises that were made during the previous regime. Initiating new development programs are BJP’s immediate priorities in Karnataka.
The new Chief Minister has made it clear that the government will run on the two point agendas of development and good governance.
We will continue to serve the state, thereby will be connected with the people. If we are successful in striking a chord with the people of Karnataka, we can definitely ask for the 2013 mandate in favour of the party. That is our political target.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/karnataka-episode-had-embarrassed-the-bjp_727834.html
Monday, July 25, 2011
Commemorating Kargil victory
Saswat Panigrahi
The nation on Tuesday is celebrating the 12th anniversary of Kargil victory. Twelve years ago, on this day, Indian defence forces successfully recaptured the Indian positions lost to Pakistani intruders.
The Kargil war was India’s fourth direct armed conflict with Pakistan and the second after the two countries developed nuclear weapons. The war is the most recent example of high altitude warfare atop mountainous terrain.
In February 1999, then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee journeyed by bus to Lahore at an invitation by his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif and signed the Lahore Declaration, promising to provide a peaceful and bilateral solution to the Kashmir conflict.
However, by that time Pakistan had already initiated infiltration into the Indian territory across the Line of Control (LoC).
The blueprint of the infiltration was designed by General Pervez Musharraf, soon after he took over as the chief of Army staff of Pakistan in October 1998, during the height of Islamophobia in Pakistani Army. It is said that much of the background planning, including construction of logistical supply routes for the intrusion had been undertaken much earlier.
Code named ‘Operation Badr’, the Pakistani infiltration aimed at isolating Ladakh from the Kashmir Valley and thereby occupying Siachen Glacier.
In the peak of the winter, there was a common practice for both the Indian and Pakistani Armies to abandon troops on their respective sides of the LOC, when the minimum temperature in the Himalayan range often dips to as low as -48° C. This was a part of the Simla Agreement, 1971 in which the decision to abandon troops of both countries -- during extreme climatic conditions -- was made under humanitarian grounds. But, Pakistan used the extreme climatic conditions as an advantage for intrusion. Pakistani troops and terrorists sneaked into Indian territory across 160 km of the LoC in Kargil Sector.
The Pakistani infiltrators were numbered as approximately 5,000. Apart from being equipped with guns and grenade launchers, they were armed with sophisticated ammunitions like mortars, artillery and anti-aircraft guns.
Soon after Indian Army detected the infiltration, Atal Bihari Vajpayee government immediately upped the ante by launching Operation Vijay. Vajpayee asked the defence forces to reclaim every inch of the territory from Pakistani intruders.
‘‘I have confidence in the ability of our armed forces. The armed forces shall accomplish this task and ensure that no one dares to indulge in this kind of misadventure in future”, then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee said addressing the nation on June 7, 1999.
The Kargil war was fought on steep mountain ridges at the commanding heights of over 16,000 feet and at temperatures as low as -15 °C.
A sum total of 30,000 soldiers, consisting of 20,000 from Indian Army, 10,000 from both Indian Air Force and Paramilitary forces of India were deployed in the conflict zone. The Indian Air Force launched Operation ‘Safed Sagar’ to bombard enemy posts and to support mobilisation of Indian Army. IAF MiG-21s were used extensively during the Kargil war. IAF Mirage 2000Hs also carried out strike missions. The Indian Navy also prepared to blockade the Pakistani ports to cut off supply routes.
Yes it was a war, but India only fought it in its territory. It did not cross the Line of Control to strike back at Pakistan. By doing so, India won a diplomatic war with the international community.
As the war intensified, Vajpayee strongly indicated that India's patience was wearing thin and wanted the US and the world to come down sternly on Pakistan.
Failing to cope with the strong military reaction from India, a desperate Sharif made a panic dash to Washington to call on then American president Bill Clinton.
But, when the two leaders met on July 04, 1999, America literally turned its back on Pakistan. A miffed Clinton asked Sharif to pull out all Pakistani troops from the Indian side of the Line of Control with immediate effect. The Pakistani leader could not but leave Washington promising to restore the “sanctity of the LoC” in accordance with the 1972 Simla Agreement with India.
By that time 80 per cent of the intruded area, including most vital points were back under Indian control. Despite being checkmated by US, Pakistan remained defiant not to pull out troops from the remaining area on Indian side of LOC.
Pakistani intruders were evicted from their last occupied post in Kargil on July 26. The day is being marked as Kargil Vijay Diwas (Kargil Victory Day).
By successfully recapturing the ridges from the Pakistani encroachers, India’s defence forces demonstrated exemplary courage and bravery.
India won the war, but during the battle 527 soldiers achieved martyrdom. On this day, let’s remember the sacrifices of the war heroes. Let' salute the martyrs who have sacrificed their lives to save our motherland.
Vande Mataram!
-- Published in Zeenews
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/commemorating-kargil-victory_722088.html
The nation on Tuesday is celebrating the 12th anniversary of Kargil victory. Twelve years ago, on this day, Indian defence forces successfully recaptured the Indian positions lost to Pakistani intruders.
The Kargil war was India’s fourth direct armed conflict with Pakistan and the second after the two countries developed nuclear weapons. The war is the most recent example of high altitude warfare atop mountainous terrain.
In February 1999, then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee journeyed by bus to Lahore at an invitation by his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif and signed the Lahore Declaration, promising to provide a peaceful and bilateral solution to the Kashmir conflict.
However, by that time Pakistan had already initiated infiltration into the Indian territory across the Line of Control (LoC).
The blueprint of the infiltration was designed by General Pervez Musharraf, soon after he took over as the chief of Army staff of Pakistan in October 1998, during the height of Islamophobia in Pakistani Army. It is said that much of the background planning, including construction of logistical supply routes for the intrusion had been undertaken much earlier.
Code named ‘Operation Badr’, the Pakistani infiltration aimed at isolating Ladakh from the Kashmir Valley and thereby occupying Siachen Glacier.
In the peak of the winter, there was a common practice for both the Indian and Pakistani Armies to abandon troops on their respective sides of the LOC, when the minimum temperature in the Himalayan range often dips to as low as -48° C. This was a part of the Simla Agreement, 1971 in which the decision to abandon troops of both countries -- during extreme climatic conditions -- was made under humanitarian grounds. But, Pakistan used the extreme climatic conditions as an advantage for intrusion. Pakistani troops and terrorists sneaked into Indian territory across 160 km of the LoC in Kargil Sector.
The Pakistani infiltrators were numbered as approximately 5,000. Apart from being equipped with guns and grenade launchers, they were armed with sophisticated ammunitions like mortars, artillery and anti-aircraft guns.
Soon after Indian Army detected the infiltration, Atal Bihari Vajpayee government immediately upped the ante by launching Operation Vijay. Vajpayee asked the defence forces to reclaim every inch of the territory from Pakistani intruders.
‘‘I have confidence in the ability of our armed forces. The armed forces shall accomplish this task and ensure that no one dares to indulge in this kind of misadventure in future”, then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee said addressing the nation on June 7, 1999.
The Kargil war was fought on steep mountain ridges at the commanding heights of over 16,000 feet and at temperatures as low as -15 °C.
A sum total of 30,000 soldiers, consisting of 20,000 from Indian Army, 10,000 from both Indian Air Force and Paramilitary forces of India were deployed in the conflict zone. The Indian Air Force launched Operation ‘Safed Sagar’ to bombard enemy posts and to support mobilisation of Indian Army. IAF MiG-21s were used extensively during the Kargil war. IAF Mirage 2000Hs also carried out strike missions. The Indian Navy also prepared to blockade the Pakistani ports to cut off supply routes.
Yes it was a war, but India only fought it in its territory. It did not cross the Line of Control to strike back at Pakistan. By doing so, India won a diplomatic war with the international community.
As the war intensified, Vajpayee strongly indicated that India's patience was wearing thin and wanted the US and the world to come down sternly on Pakistan.
Failing to cope with the strong military reaction from India, a desperate Sharif made a panic dash to Washington to call on then American president Bill Clinton.
But, when the two leaders met on July 04, 1999, America literally turned its back on Pakistan. A miffed Clinton asked Sharif to pull out all Pakistani troops from the Indian side of the Line of Control with immediate effect. The Pakistani leader could not but leave Washington promising to restore the “sanctity of the LoC” in accordance with the 1972 Simla Agreement with India.
By that time 80 per cent of the intruded area, including most vital points were back under Indian control. Despite being checkmated by US, Pakistan remained defiant not to pull out troops from the remaining area on Indian side of LOC.
Pakistani intruders were evicted from their last occupied post in Kargil on July 26. The day is being marked as Kargil Vijay Diwas (Kargil Victory Day).
By successfully recapturing the ridges from the Pakistani encroachers, India’s defence forces demonstrated exemplary courage and bravery.
India won the war, but during the battle 527 soldiers achieved martyrdom. On this day, let’s remember the sacrifices of the war heroes. Let' salute the martyrs who have sacrificed their lives to save our motherland.
Vande Mataram!
-- Published in Zeenews
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/commemorating-kargil-victory_722088.html
Sunday, July 17, 2011
More heads should roll
Saswat Panigrahi
The 2G scam has claimed another Union Minister. Textile minister Dayanidhi Maran who worked as the telecom minister during the UPA-I had no other choice but to resign after he was implicated in the 2G spectrum scandal.
The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in its status report submitted in the Supreme Court said a prima face case existed against Maran for “forcing” the then Aircel chief, C Sivasankaran to sell his stakes in Aircel to a Malaysia based firm Maxis Communications during his tenure as the telecom minister.
It is learnt that Maxis was favoured with 2G spectrum by Maran. In return, the Malaysian company invested to the tune of Rs 700 crore in Sun Network, owned by Maran’s family.
Maran’s story of abusing ministerial powers does not end here. According to a CBI report, Maran diverted 323 dedicated BSNL lines to his home in Chennai and routed them to Sun TV headquarters. This caused the state run BSNL an estimated loss of around Rs 440 crore.
In addition, Maran has been accused of demanding 33.33% shares from the Tata-Rupert Murdoch DTH project (Tata Sky) for the Sun Network.
Dayanidhi Maran is the second union minister to resign over 2G spectrum scam. He is the third DMK MP implicated in the 2G scam.
The 2G spectrum allocation scam was a result of the decision by UPA government to allocate second generation spectrum licenses far below the market price to ineligible applicants by throwing the rule book out of the windows.
It was Dayanidhi Maran, who set the tone for the 2G scam as the telecom minister during UPA-I, much before the “first-come-first-serve” spectrum allocation formula announced by his successor A Raja during UPA-II. That formula was used as a tool to officially allot illegal spectrum licences. The result: a revenue loss to the national exchequer to the tune of a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore.
Former telecom minister A Raja, who has been named as accused in 2G spectrum scam is presently spending his time in Tihar Jail.
Kanimozhi, daughter of DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi – has been indicted for having taken bribe of Rs 200 crore from Shahid Balwa's DB Realty. Investigations reveal that the bribe amount was routed to Kalaignar TV, in which the DMK MP holds a 20 per cent stake. Both Kanimozhi and Balwa, named as co-accused in 2G spectrum scam are presently lodged in Tihar.
As things stand now, Karunanidhi’s English speaking grand nephew could very soon end up providing company to his party colleague A Raja, his aunt Kanimozhi and Shahid Balwa.
The story does not end here. Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram’s role in the illegal allocation of spectrum licences has come under scanner during the ongoing JPC probe into the 2G scam.
If the allegations are to be believed, then 2G scam is no longer just a DMK affair. Figures are pointing at Chidambaram for allegedly giving Raja a free hand to illegally allocate 2G licences during his tenure as a finance minister.
It was Raja who went with allocating 2G spectrum licences arbitrarily to ineligible applicants in 2008 at 2001 price.
Chidambaram, as the finance minister did nothing to stem the rot, rather he allegedly endorsed a faulty policy.
This was despite strong objections even from the Finance Ministry. Reports state, then finance secretary D Subarao wrote to the Department of telecom to stop spectrum allotment on old price.
It is learnt that Chidambaram held two meetings with Raja to discuss the spectrum pricing issues prior to and after the allotment of the spectrum. The records of the official meetings between the two ministers were maintained. But, surprisingly there are no recorded minutes of the meetings.
The disclosers’ point to Chidambaram’s alleged complicity in the 2G spectrum scam.
But, Congress remains defiant on the issue. UPA trouble-shooter and Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee defended Chidambaram by saying, “Every day some minister comes and it is not possible to keep their record of the meeting or the minutes of the meeting because there is no need.”
It is not only Chidambaram but another senior Congress leader allegedly is involved in 2G scam. Telecom minister Kapil Sibal, popular for his bizarre “Zero loss” theory has been accused of giving a penalty waiver to Reliance Communications. Sibal allegedly cut down an imposed penalty against Reliance Communications from Rs 50 crore to Rs 5 crore.
The UPA Government’s reaction on the issue has been knee-jerk. It is underplaying the misdeeds done under its regime. Rather, it has shifted the blame to the previous NDA government. UPA says allocation of spectrum was made in accordance with the National Telecom Policy 1999, introduced during the BJP-led NDA government.
The JPC, probing the 2G scam is also presently looking into the financial implications of the spectrum allocation during the NDA rule. The Department of Telecom (DoT) tentatively pegged the loss due to the migration package offered to cellular operators during the NDA rule at Rs. 43,523 crore.
There is a lot more to this scam than meets the eye. Both Chidambaram and Sibal are facing allegations of serious wrong doings. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh could have removed both the tainted ministers when he shook up the Cabinet’s midriff. But the portfolios of both the ministers remain untouched as PM has chosen to stand by Chidambaram and Sibal. This outlines UPA government’s willingness to fight against corruption. The nation wants an answer from the ‘honest’ PM.
-- Appeared in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/zee-exclusive/more-heads-should-roll_720123.html
The 2G scam has claimed another Union Minister. Textile minister Dayanidhi Maran who worked as the telecom minister during the UPA-I had no other choice but to resign after he was implicated in the 2G spectrum scandal.
The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in its status report submitted in the Supreme Court said a prima face case existed against Maran for “forcing” the then Aircel chief, C Sivasankaran to sell his stakes in Aircel to a Malaysia based firm Maxis Communications during his tenure as the telecom minister.
It is learnt that Maxis was favoured with 2G spectrum by Maran. In return, the Malaysian company invested to the tune of Rs 700 crore in Sun Network, owned by Maran’s family.
Maran’s story of abusing ministerial powers does not end here. According to a CBI report, Maran diverted 323 dedicated BSNL lines to his home in Chennai and routed them to Sun TV headquarters. This caused the state run BSNL an estimated loss of around Rs 440 crore.
In addition, Maran has been accused of demanding 33.33% shares from the Tata-Rupert Murdoch DTH project (Tata Sky) for the Sun Network.
Dayanidhi Maran is the second union minister to resign over 2G spectrum scam. He is the third DMK MP implicated in the 2G scam.
The 2G spectrum allocation scam was a result of the decision by UPA government to allocate second generation spectrum licenses far below the market price to ineligible applicants by throwing the rule book out of the windows.
It was Dayanidhi Maran, who set the tone for the 2G scam as the telecom minister during UPA-I, much before the “first-come-first-serve” spectrum allocation formula announced by his successor A Raja during UPA-II. That formula was used as a tool to officially allot illegal spectrum licences. The result: a revenue loss to the national exchequer to the tune of a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore.
Former telecom minister A Raja, who has been named as accused in 2G spectrum scam is presently spending his time in Tihar Jail.
Kanimozhi, daughter of DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi – has been indicted for having taken bribe of Rs 200 crore from Shahid Balwa's DB Realty. Investigations reveal that the bribe amount was routed to Kalaignar TV, in which the DMK MP holds a 20 per cent stake. Both Kanimozhi and Balwa, named as co-accused in 2G spectrum scam are presently lodged in Tihar.
As things stand now, Karunanidhi’s English speaking grand nephew could very soon end up providing company to his party colleague A Raja, his aunt Kanimozhi and Shahid Balwa.
The story does not end here. Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram’s role in the illegal allocation of spectrum licences has come under scanner during the ongoing JPC probe into the 2G scam.
If the allegations are to be believed, then 2G scam is no longer just a DMK affair. Figures are pointing at Chidambaram for allegedly giving Raja a free hand to illegally allocate 2G licences during his tenure as a finance minister.
It was Raja who went with allocating 2G spectrum licences arbitrarily to ineligible applicants in 2008 at 2001 price.
Chidambaram, as the finance minister did nothing to stem the rot, rather he allegedly endorsed a faulty policy.
This was despite strong objections even from the Finance Ministry. Reports state, then finance secretary D Subarao wrote to the Department of telecom to stop spectrum allotment on old price.
It is learnt that Chidambaram held two meetings with Raja to discuss the spectrum pricing issues prior to and after the allotment of the spectrum. The records of the official meetings between the two ministers were maintained. But, surprisingly there are no recorded minutes of the meetings.
The disclosers’ point to Chidambaram’s alleged complicity in the 2G spectrum scam.
But, Congress remains defiant on the issue. UPA trouble-shooter and Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee defended Chidambaram by saying, “Every day some minister comes and it is not possible to keep their record of the meeting or the minutes of the meeting because there is no need.”
It is not only Chidambaram but another senior Congress leader allegedly is involved in 2G scam. Telecom minister Kapil Sibal, popular for his bizarre “Zero loss” theory has been accused of giving a penalty waiver to Reliance Communications. Sibal allegedly cut down an imposed penalty against Reliance Communications from Rs 50 crore to Rs 5 crore.
The UPA Government’s reaction on the issue has been knee-jerk. It is underplaying the misdeeds done under its regime. Rather, it has shifted the blame to the previous NDA government. UPA says allocation of spectrum was made in accordance with the National Telecom Policy 1999, introduced during the BJP-led NDA government.
The JPC, probing the 2G scam is also presently looking into the financial implications of the spectrum allocation during the NDA rule. The Department of Telecom (DoT) tentatively pegged the loss due to the migration package offered to cellular operators during the NDA rule at Rs. 43,523 crore.
There is a lot more to this scam than meets the eye. Both Chidambaram and Sibal are facing allegations of serious wrong doings. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh could have removed both the tainted ministers when he shook up the Cabinet’s midriff. But the portfolios of both the ministers remain untouched as PM has chosen to stand by Chidambaram and Sibal. This outlines UPA government’s willingness to fight against corruption. The nation wants an answer from the ‘honest’ PM.
-- Appeared in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/zee-exclusive/more-heads-should-roll_720123.html
Sunday, June 19, 2011
For UPA, there is nothing to be proud of
Saswat Panigrahi
The UPA government is living in an illusion. It is reading a wrong script and shouting out the headline, “Govt wins as Baba’s fast fizzles out”. It’s been a couple of days since iconic yoga guru Baba Ramdev ended his anti-graft fast at his Patanjali Yogpeeth in Haridwar after being driven out of Ramlila Maidan. The UPA government has declared Ramdev a persona non grata. But the aftermath of the Ramdev episode is refusing to die down. It continues to raise political temperatures. Has Baba Ramdev’s satygraha put the government in a tight spot? Here is the answer.
Ramdev’s satygraha against the twin issues of corruption and black money has laid bare corrupt governance and fueled a justified anger.
The issues the yoga guru raised by his movement are timely and pertinent. He demands India’s money illicitly stashed in tax havens abroad be declared as a national asset. He wants the government to promulgate an ordinance followed by a bill to bring black money back. Julian Paul Assange, editor of the whistle blower website Wikileaks, says India is the main source of black money. While experts are still working out the final figure, a conservative estimate pegs India’s black money stashed overseas at Rs 400 lakh crore. The Supreme Court says it is a pure and simple theft of the national money.
Black money has a cascading impact on India’s economy. It is directly responsible for the persistent rise in prices of essential commodities. But the UPA government has shown no effective, meaningful or visible action to bring back black money stashed in tax havens.
Apart from black money, Baba Ramdev has raised a few other pertinent issues. He asks the government to ban the currency notes of Rs 1,000 and 500 denominations, as he feels that the notes are easy medium for the black money hoarders inside the country to store and circulate. Ramdev, a strong votary of an effective Lokpal Bill, seeks setting up fast-track courts to ensure speedy trial in graft cases. In addition, he demands the passage of a new Public Services Guarantee Act to curb corruption.
It was obvious. The government did not want a repetition of situation created by the Anna Hazare stir in April. Remember, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh went the extra mile to persuade Ramdev by writing a letter, dated May 31, appealing him not to go on fast.
June 1: In further overdrive, a delegation of four senior Union Ministers -- Pranab Mukherjee, Kapil Sibal , Pawan Kumar Bansal and Subodh Kant Sahay along with the Cabinet Secretary -- met Baba Ramdev at the VIP lounge of Delhi airport upon his arrival in the city. Ramdev and the government emissaries discussed his series of demands for two and half hours.
June 3: Sibal and Sahay again met Ramdev at Delhi’s Claridges Hotel and discussed his demands for four hours. But the government despite all its persuasive might failed to cut the ice with the yoga guru. Baba Ramdev went ahead with his proposed fast on the scheduled date of June 4.
Compared to an estimated 5,000 people at the peak of Anna Hazare’s fast at Jantar Mantar, Baba Ramdev began his fast at Ramlila Maidan in the presence of 50,000 people. There were reports that around two lakh people were likely to converge at the fast venue on the next day. Contrary to Anna’s audience who were largely metropolitan literati, Ramdev managed to mobilise people from all across the country including a large chunk from the rural areas. Looking at the huge response to Baba Ramdev’s fast, the government could not take the risk of any further damage to its image.
The government’s “crisis managers” scripted an “innovative” way to tackle the situation. Armed with the government order, a heavy contingent of Delhi Police and the Rapid Action Force -- led by a “faithful” Police Commissioner -- cracked down on the peaceful protesters at Ramlila Maidan in the wee hours of that fateful night. In a show of sheer brutality, waking up protesters from their sleep, the police lathicharged and fired scores of teargas shells at them. The protesters which included senior citizens, women and children were mercilessly beaten up.
“If the government can reach out, it can also rein in.” Remember, senior Union Minister Kapil Sibal said hinting at the midnight swoop before it took place? Perhaps this is the way the Congress party and the UPA government thinks democracy works! This is reminiscent of the Emergency days when civil liberties were suspended. The Congress party just replayed the Emergency once again.
History will not forgive the government for the political sin it has committed. By muzzling the voices against corruption, the Congress-led UPA has brought home its “political will” to fight corruption and to bring back black money stashed in tax havens.
A stoic government then went on to justify the violent midnight swoop on the peaceful protesters. "It is unfortunate that operation had to be conducted, but quite honestly there was no alternative," Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said.
The naked display of fascist power and the rise of arrogance show that the Congress-led UPA government has lost the plot. It is facing a credibility crisis. This is the right time for the government to be shown the exit door. There are lessons to be learnt for the citizens as well. Next time think thrice before you vote back the government.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/for-upa-there-is-nothing-to-be-proud-of_713574.html
The UPA government is living in an illusion. It is reading a wrong script and shouting out the headline, “Govt wins as Baba’s fast fizzles out”. It’s been a couple of days since iconic yoga guru Baba Ramdev ended his anti-graft fast at his Patanjali Yogpeeth in Haridwar after being driven out of Ramlila Maidan. The UPA government has declared Ramdev a persona non grata. But the aftermath of the Ramdev episode is refusing to die down. It continues to raise political temperatures. Has Baba Ramdev’s satygraha put the government in a tight spot? Here is the answer.
Ramdev’s satygraha against the twin issues of corruption and black money has laid bare corrupt governance and fueled a justified anger.
The issues the yoga guru raised by his movement are timely and pertinent. He demands India’s money illicitly stashed in tax havens abroad be declared as a national asset. He wants the government to promulgate an ordinance followed by a bill to bring black money back. Julian Paul Assange, editor of the whistle blower website Wikileaks, says India is the main source of black money. While experts are still working out the final figure, a conservative estimate pegs India’s black money stashed overseas at Rs 400 lakh crore. The Supreme Court says it is a pure and simple theft of the national money.
Black money has a cascading impact on India’s economy. It is directly responsible for the persistent rise in prices of essential commodities. But the UPA government has shown no effective, meaningful or visible action to bring back black money stashed in tax havens.
Apart from black money, Baba Ramdev has raised a few other pertinent issues. He asks the government to ban the currency notes of Rs 1,000 and 500 denominations, as he feels that the notes are easy medium for the black money hoarders inside the country to store and circulate. Ramdev, a strong votary of an effective Lokpal Bill, seeks setting up fast-track courts to ensure speedy trial in graft cases. In addition, he demands the passage of a new Public Services Guarantee Act to curb corruption.
It was obvious. The government did not want a repetition of situation created by the Anna Hazare stir in April. Remember, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh went the extra mile to persuade Ramdev by writing a letter, dated May 31, appealing him not to go on fast.
June 1: In further overdrive, a delegation of four senior Union Ministers -- Pranab Mukherjee, Kapil Sibal , Pawan Kumar Bansal and Subodh Kant Sahay along with the Cabinet Secretary -- met Baba Ramdev at the VIP lounge of Delhi airport upon his arrival in the city. Ramdev and the government emissaries discussed his series of demands for two and half hours.
June 3: Sibal and Sahay again met Ramdev at Delhi’s Claridges Hotel and discussed his demands for four hours. But the government despite all its persuasive might failed to cut the ice with the yoga guru. Baba Ramdev went ahead with his proposed fast on the scheduled date of June 4.
Compared to an estimated 5,000 people at the peak of Anna Hazare’s fast at Jantar Mantar, Baba Ramdev began his fast at Ramlila Maidan in the presence of 50,000 people. There were reports that around two lakh people were likely to converge at the fast venue on the next day. Contrary to Anna’s audience who were largely metropolitan literati, Ramdev managed to mobilise people from all across the country including a large chunk from the rural areas. Looking at the huge response to Baba Ramdev’s fast, the government could not take the risk of any further damage to its image.
The government’s “crisis managers” scripted an “innovative” way to tackle the situation. Armed with the government order, a heavy contingent of Delhi Police and the Rapid Action Force -- led by a “faithful” Police Commissioner -- cracked down on the peaceful protesters at Ramlila Maidan in the wee hours of that fateful night. In a show of sheer brutality, waking up protesters from their sleep, the police lathicharged and fired scores of teargas shells at them. The protesters which included senior citizens, women and children were mercilessly beaten up.
“If the government can reach out, it can also rein in.” Remember, senior Union Minister Kapil Sibal said hinting at the midnight swoop before it took place? Perhaps this is the way the Congress party and the UPA government thinks democracy works! This is reminiscent of the Emergency days when civil liberties were suspended. The Congress party just replayed the Emergency once again.
History will not forgive the government for the political sin it has committed. By muzzling the voices against corruption, the Congress-led UPA has brought home its “political will” to fight corruption and to bring back black money stashed in tax havens.
A stoic government then went on to justify the violent midnight swoop on the peaceful protesters. "It is unfortunate that operation had to be conducted, but quite honestly there was no alternative," Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said.
The naked display of fascist power and the rise of arrogance show that the Congress-led UPA government has lost the plot. It is facing a credibility crisis. This is the right time for the government to be shown the exit door. There are lessons to be learnt for the citizens as well. Next time think thrice before you vote back the government.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/for-upa-there-is-nothing-to-be-proud-of_713574.html
Thursday, May 26, 2011
Pack Hans Raj Bhardwaj back to Delhi
Saswat Panigrahi
Finally, Karnataka Governor Hans Raj Bhardwaj has got a dose of his own medicine. With the Centre rejecting his recommendation for imposition of President's rule in the state, Bhardwaj’s desperate bid to topple the BS Yeddyurappa government has come a cropper.
It was for the second time that Bhardwaj recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule in Karnataka. Last year too, the Centre rejected a similar recommendation by Bhardwaj.
The Karnataka crisis may have blown over for now, but the events culminating to the crisis will continue to heat-up the political temperature of the state.
The genesis of Karnataka crisis
Last October, 16 rebel MLAs -- eleven from BJP and five Independents -- withdrew their support from BS Yeddyurappa-led BJP government in the southern state. Governor HR Bhardwaj immediately asked Yeddyurappa government to prove its majority on the floor of Legislative Assembly.
Hours ahead of the trust vote, Karnataka Assembly speaker suspended the all 16 rebel MLAs under the provision of Anti-Defection Law and hence they were not allowed to vote. The Yeddyurappa government scraped through the trust vote.
However, the Governor was not satisfied and immediately recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule in the state arguing that the BJP government “manufactured” majority during the trust vote. Despite the request, the Centre rejected the half-backed recommendation.
A miffed Governor asked the BJP government to go through another floor test. BJP government took up the gauntlet and won the second trail of confidence by managing the dissidents.
The story resurfaced this month with the Supreme Court setting aside Karnataka Speaker’s order on disqualification of the 16 rebel MLAs ahead of the October 2010 trust motion. Technically speaking, with the Supreme Court order, the rebel MLAs’ membership to the house was restored.
In what could be seen as a surprising move, following the Supreme Court judgment, all 16 rebel MLAs shot off letters to Governor HR Bhardwaj conveying their decision to support the Karnataka government.
The Supreme Court order coupled with the rebel MLAs U-turn was a blessing in disguise for the Yeddyurappa government as it enhanced the strength of the house. Not learning from the folly, a desperate Bhardwaj, brushing aside the glaring fact, recommended the Centre to impose President's rule in Karnataka yet again.
The compulsion for Congress
Apparently Bhardwaj’s recommendation for President’s rule aims at favouring the Congress and weakening the BJP in Karnataka. But why is it that the Congress-led government at the Centre did not accept the recommendation? There are reasons.
First, the Supreme Court judgment on the rebel MLAs followed by their support to the Yeddyurappa government made it difficult for the Congress government at the Centre to stand-by Bhardwaj.
Second, accepting Bhardwaj’s recommendation could have proven to be suicidal for the Congress in Karnataka. Congress strategists know imposing President’s Rule in Karnataka and inviting a midterm poll won’t help the party at this point of time. Looking at the poor show of Congress in the recent by-elections, the central leadership must have calculated present strength of the party in the state.
Third, approving Bhardwaj’s recommendation could only have strengthened the BJP in Karnataka.
Yeddy has much to ‘thank’ Bhardwaj
Governor HR Bhardwaj and Chief Minister BS Yeddyurappa are rivals for obvious political reasons. Nevertheless, the latter should be thankful to the former! As Bhardwaj runs his agenda to dislodge the government, the fraction-ridden Karnataka BJP has come together as a cohesive body to support Yeddyurappa and to prove Bhardwaj wrong. The strong backing of the central leadership to Yeddyurappa on this issue has further strengthened his position in the saffron party.
An assault on the Constitution
His Excellency the Governor HR Bhardwaj’s recommendation for dismissal of Yeddyurappa government was totally unconstitutional. Article 356 of Indian Constitution allows the Governor to recommend to the Centre the imposition of President's rule if there is a failure of the constitutional machinery in the state. But while the strength of Karnataka Assembly has been established conclusively through the due constitutional process, what prompted Governor HR Bhardwaj to conclude that there was a breakdown of the constitutional mechanism in the state? It is not to dispute that Bhardwaj went out of his way to please his Congress masters.
Bhardwaj is a great survivor in Congress politics. He has a long history of faithfully serving the party. Remember, how he, as a Union Law minister, played an important role in closing the Bofors bribery case by giving his “collusive legal advice”?
Ever since Bhardwaj assumed the office of the Governor in Bangalore, he has been persistently hatching conspiracies against a democratically elected government by misusing his power and position. He has been relentlessly working to score brownie points to suit Congress’s political agenda. Skilfully engineering political fluidity, he has succeeded in bringing political instability in the state.
For these reasons, HR Bhardwaj will go down in the lexicon of political history as one of the worst Governors. A Governor is a constitutional authority. He is supposed to work in a non-partisan, neutral and objective manner. Unfortunately, Bhardwaj has stooped and brought shame to the high constitutional office.
There is a need to recall HR Bhardwaj immediately as the Governor!
Finally, Karnataka Governor Hans Raj Bhardwaj has got a dose of his own medicine. With the Centre rejecting his recommendation for imposition of President's rule in the state, Bhardwaj’s desperate bid to topple the BS Yeddyurappa government has come a cropper.
It was for the second time that Bhardwaj recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule in Karnataka. Last year too, the Centre rejected a similar recommendation by Bhardwaj.
The Karnataka crisis may have blown over for now, but the events culminating to the crisis will continue to heat-up the political temperature of the state.
The genesis of Karnataka crisis
Last October, 16 rebel MLAs -- eleven from BJP and five Independents -- withdrew their support from BS Yeddyurappa-led BJP government in the southern state. Governor HR Bhardwaj immediately asked Yeddyurappa government to prove its majority on the floor of Legislative Assembly.
Hours ahead of the trust vote, Karnataka Assembly speaker suspended the all 16 rebel MLAs under the provision of Anti-Defection Law and hence they were not allowed to vote. The Yeddyurappa government scraped through the trust vote.
However, the Governor was not satisfied and immediately recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule in the state arguing that the BJP government “manufactured” majority during the trust vote. Despite the request, the Centre rejected the half-backed recommendation.
A miffed Governor asked the BJP government to go through another floor test. BJP government took up the gauntlet and won the second trail of confidence by managing the dissidents.
The story resurfaced this month with the Supreme Court setting aside Karnataka Speaker’s order on disqualification of the 16 rebel MLAs ahead of the October 2010 trust motion. Technically speaking, with the Supreme Court order, the rebel MLAs’ membership to the house was restored.
In what could be seen as a surprising move, following the Supreme Court judgment, all 16 rebel MLAs shot off letters to Governor HR Bhardwaj conveying their decision to support the Karnataka government.
The Supreme Court order coupled with the rebel MLAs U-turn was a blessing in disguise for the Yeddyurappa government as it enhanced the strength of the house. Not learning from the folly, a desperate Bhardwaj, brushing aside the glaring fact, recommended the Centre to impose President's rule in Karnataka yet again.
The compulsion for Congress
Apparently Bhardwaj’s recommendation for President’s rule aims at favouring the Congress and weakening the BJP in Karnataka. But why is it that the Congress-led government at the Centre did not accept the recommendation? There are reasons.
First, the Supreme Court judgment on the rebel MLAs followed by their support to the Yeddyurappa government made it difficult for the Congress government at the Centre to stand-by Bhardwaj.
Second, accepting Bhardwaj’s recommendation could have proven to be suicidal for the Congress in Karnataka. Congress strategists know imposing President’s Rule in Karnataka and inviting a midterm poll won’t help the party at this point of time. Looking at the poor show of Congress in the recent by-elections, the central leadership must have calculated present strength of the party in the state.
Third, approving Bhardwaj’s recommendation could only have strengthened the BJP in Karnataka.
Yeddy has much to ‘thank’ Bhardwaj
Governor HR Bhardwaj and Chief Minister BS Yeddyurappa are rivals for obvious political reasons. Nevertheless, the latter should be thankful to the former! As Bhardwaj runs his agenda to dislodge the government, the fraction-ridden Karnataka BJP has come together as a cohesive body to support Yeddyurappa and to prove Bhardwaj wrong. The strong backing of the central leadership to Yeddyurappa on this issue has further strengthened his position in the saffron party.
An assault on the Constitution
His Excellency the Governor HR Bhardwaj’s recommendation for dismissal of Yeddyurappa government was totally unconstitutional. Article 356 of Indian Constitution allows the Governor to recommend to the Centre the imposition of President's rule if there is a failure of the constitutional machinery in the state. But while the strength of Karnataka Assembly has been established conclusively through the due constitutional process, what prompted Governor HR Bhardwaj to conclude that there was a breakdown of the constitutional mechanism in the state? It is not to dispute that Bhardwaj went out of his way to please his Congress masters.
Bhardwaj is a great survivor in Congress politics. He has a long history of faithfully serving the party. Remember, how he, as a Union Law minister, played an important role in closing the Bofors bribery case by giving his “collusive legal advice”?
Ever since Bhardwaj assumed the office of the Governor in Bangalore, he has been persistently hatching conspiracies against a democratically elected government by misusing his power and position. He has been relentlessly working to score brownie points to suit Congress’s political agenda. Skilfully engineering political fluidity, he has succeeded in bringing political instability in the state.
For these reasons, HR Bhardwaj will go down in the lexicon of political history as one of the worst Governors. A Governor is a constitutional authority. He is supposed to work in a non-partisan, neutral and objective manner. Unfortunately, Bhardwaj has stooped and brought shame to the high constitutional office.
There is a need to recall HR Bhardwaj immediately as the Governor!
-- Published in Zeenews.com
Friday, May 13, 2011
Tamil Nadu: Return of Jayalalithaa
Saswat Panigrahi
Riding on the anti-incumbency wave, J Jayalalithaa-led AIDMK has stormed to power on its own in Tamil Nadu routing M Karunanidhi-led DMK.
The decisive verdict outlines three important points. First, the people of the state rejected outright family domination over Tamil Nadu politics. It is not to dispute that Karunanidhi reduced governance to a family business. His family (as it is popularly known as K-company) was largely running the affairs of the state. His sons MK Azhagiri, MK Stalin, his daughter Kanimozhi and his English-speaking grandnephew Dayanidhi Maran were the players in the corridors of powers in the state. Looking at the ‘family governance’ of ‘K-company’ the people of Tamil Nadu were indeed fed up and waiting for change.
Second, in this election, Tamil Nadu could not afford to vote for a largely corrupt DMK. Tamil Nadu Assembly elections were held against the backdrop of the 2G spectrum scam. The 2G spectrum scam is billed as country's biggest corruption scandal to date. The Comptroller and Auditor-General (CAG) of India pegged the revenue loss to the national exchequer by the scam at a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore.
It is a known fact that the DMK was the direct beneficiary from the scam. Former Telecom Minister A Raja, a trusted lieutenant of Karunanidhi is the prime accused of the scam. Karunanidhi’s daughter Kanimozhi is chargedsheeted in the case and is believed to be the brain behind the scam. His wife Dayalu Ammal is also linked to the fraud, but spared due to her old age. Hence, very obviously the DMK has had to face a fall out of this in this election.
There is no doubt that the 2G scam was largely responsible for a negative swing against DMK. The opposition parties AIADMK, MDMK, BJP, Janata Party, CPI and CPI(M) saw common ground in raising the issue. Ironically, Amma the biggest gainer from the issue even though she herself faces a series of corruption charges. Her land holdings and collection of sarees were once the talk of the town. Unfortunately, public memory is short. Besides, people have few other options. For this reason, the AIADMK chief has reasons to smile as she is all set to take over the reins of the state after five years. This election result also marks an end of the road for wheel-chair bound 87 years old Karunanidhi.
Third, the verdict in Tamil Nadu is also mainly based on the factor of anti-incumbency. The state has a long history of throwing out parties in power. Election after election shows negative swings against the ruling party. In the previous election in 2006, AIADMK had similarly been reduced to the margins. This time, the people of Tamil Nadu have punished the DMK.
From regional players, let’s move to the national players -- the Congress and BJP. Look where they stand.
For Congress, the alliance with DMK has proved as a liability. Now, it won’t be wrong to say that the handsome victory of AIDMK in Tamil Nadu and Trinamool in West Bengal could alter the equations at the Centre. The calculated ‘opportunity cost’ is on the rise.
The BJP could not gain anything from the fall of DMK, as its tally reduced to a cropper on the face of an undercurrent of Jaya wave.
Overall, DMK has much to introspect.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
Riding on the anti-incumbency wave, J Jayalalithaa-led AIDMK has stormed to power on its own in Tamil Nadu routing M Karunanidhi-led DMK.
The decisive verdict outlines three important points. First, the people of the state rejected outright family domination over Tamil Nadu politics. It is not to dispute that Karunanidhi reduced governance to a family business. His family (as it is popularly known as K-company) was largely running the affairs of the state. His sons MK Azhagiri, MK Stalin, his daughter Kanimozhi and his English-speaking grandnephew Dayanidhi Maran were the players in the corridors of powers in the state. Looking at the ‘family governance’ of ‘K-company’ the people of Tamil Nadu were indeed fed up and waiting for change.
Second, in this election, Tamil Nadu could not afford to vote for a largely corrupt DMK. Tamil Nadu Assembly elections were held against the backdrop of the 2G spectrum scam. The 2G spectrum scam is billed as country's biggest corruption scandal to date. The Comptroller and Auditor-General (CAG) of India pegged the revenue loss to the national exchequer by the scam at a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore.
It is a known fact that the DMK was the direct beneficiary from the scam. Former Telecom Minister A Raja, a trusted lieutenant of Karunanidhi is the prime accused of the scam. Karunanidhi’s daughter Kanimozhi is chargedsheeted in the case and is believed to be the brain behind the scam. His wife Dayalu Ammal is also linked to the fraud, but spared due to her old age. Hence, very obviously the DMK has had to face a fall out of this in this election.
There is no doubt that the 2G scam was largely responsible for a negative swing against DMK. The opposition parties AIADMK, MDMK, BJP, Janata Party, CPI and CPI(M) saw common ground in raising the issue. Ironically, Amma the biggest gainer from the issue even though she herself faces a series of corruption charges. Her land holdings and collection of sarees were once the talk of the town. Unfortunately, public memory is short. Besides, people have few other options. For this reason, the AIADMK chief has reasons to smile as she is all set to take over the reins of the state after five years. This election result also marks an end of the road for wheel-chair bound 87 years old Karunanidhi.
Third, the verdict in Tamil Nadu is also mainly based on the factor of anti-incumbency. The state has a long history of throwing out parties in power. Election after election shows negative swings against the ruling party. In the previous election in 2006, AIADMK had similarly been reduced to the margins. This time, the people of Tamil Nadu have punished the DMK.
From regional players, let’s move to the national players -- the Congress and BJP. Look where they stand.
For Congress, the alliance with DMK has proved as a liability. Now, it won’t be wrong to say that the handsome victory of AIDMK in Tamil Nadu and Trinamool in West Bengal could alter the equations at the Centre. The calculated ‘opportunity cost’ is on the rise.
The BJP could not gain anything from the fall of DMK, as its tally reduced to a cropper on the face of an undercurrent of Jaya wave.
Overall, DMK has much to introspect.
-- Published in Zeenews.com
Saturday, April 16, 2011
A relentless fight, but who are the real takers?
Saswat Panigrahi
I must admit I haven’t seen such a movement so far. Iconic Gandhian Anna Hazare’s satygraha demanding enactment of a comprehensive ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’ to check corruption in public life indeed moved the nation.
It was for the second time, independent India saw such a mass movement. In 1975, legendry Jayaprakash Narayan launched Sampoorna Kranti movement to unseat Congress government headed by Indira Gandhi. It may be premature to draw parallels between the two movements, but there is certainly a commonality between the two. Both the movements attracted right and left forces.
Hazare’s anti-corruption stir was well timed and hence assumed significance. It was launched at a time when a series of macabre scams -- 2G spectrum scam, CWG scam, CVC appointment scam, Odisha mining scam, Vedanta land grab scam in Odisha, Adarsh housing society scam, Karnataka mining scam (the list could go on) -- have hit the nation.
In a season of scams, where corruption was used as a sheet anchor for governance, nothing could be a more awful joke that instead of reining in corruption, leaders at the helm of powers are waxing eloquent on the rise of corruption. Remember those famous sound bites -- “Graft and greed are on the rise” or “The government is dead serious against corruption” or “Tackling corruption is high on the government's agenda”?
The sufferers are the ‘stupid’ common men (the aam aadmi as they are popularly known as). The scams hit them directly. Anna Hazare had his finger on the pulse of the common man and felt the pressing need to launch a mass movement against corruption under the aegis of ‘India against corruption’.
When the 73-year-old soldier-turned-social activist flagged down an anti-corruption campaign, as he went on to fast-onto-death at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, India rallied behind him.
Thousands came forward to join the chorus against corruption. Jantar Mantar, the central point of the agitation virtually turned into a Tahrir Square. The anti-corruption protests spread to more than a dozen cities across the country. The movement also found resonance from Indians living abroad. Similar protests were organised in Montreal, San Jose, Minneapolis and Amsterdam.
The message against corruption was spread in modern telephony with supporters sending group SMSes at random. The netizens pledged support of Anna Hazare’s campaign against corruption. Hazare became the most searched on Google India page. Facebook and Twiter pages were abuzz with messages in support of Hazare.
As the pressure built up, Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar -- who faces corruption charges -- had to resign from GoM on Lokpal Bill.
A panic stricken Congress-led UPA, which is battling a series of corruption allegations, could not but accept the civil society’s demand for a ‘stronger’ Lokpal Bill in order to avoid further damage. Hazare ended his 98-hour-long hunger strike after the government issued a gazette notification to set up a joint committee to draft an “effective Lok Pal Bill”.
The government has already drafted a Lokpal Bill. But the civil society says the bill in its present form is toothless and hence proposed a ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’.
So what is Lokpal, what is Lokpal Bill 2010 and how it is different from the proposed ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’? Lokpal means an ombudsman and the idea to create such institution dates back to 1963. The first Lokpal Bill was passed in Lok Sabha in 1969 but could not get through in Rajya Sabha. The bill was subsequently introduced in Parliament nine times between 1971 and 2008, but continually stymied each time by successive governments because of lack of political supports.
According to Draft Lokpal Bill 2010, the Lokpal will have jurisdiction only over MPs, ministers and Prime Minister. In contrast the draft Jan Lokpal bill says the Lokpal will have jurisdiction over politicians, bureaucrats and judges as well. The CVC and the entire vigilance machinery of the Centre will be merged into the Lokpal, it says.
Draft Lokpal Bill 2010 says Lokpal has no power to initiate suo motu actions or even receive complaints of corruption directly from the public. It can only probe complaints forwarded by Lok Sabha Speaker or Rajya Sabha Chairman. On the contrary, the draft Jan Lokpal Bill says Lokpal will have the powers to initiate suo moto action or receive complaints of corruption from the general public.
The proposal to revamp the Lokpal Bill is yet to bear fruit and the passage of the bill is long way ahead. Meanwhile, the joint committee on Lokpal is in shape. It consists of 10 members -- five each from the govt as well as the civil society. The committee is headed by senior minister Pranab Mukherjee and includes four other senior ministers as members. Besides Hazare, those representing the civil society in the joint committee are father son lawyer duo Shanti and Prasant Bhushan, Karnataka Lokayukta Santosh Hegde and RTI activist Arvind Kejriwal. Former Law minister Shanti Bhushan will co-chair the committee.
I see two problems in the selection of members for the committee. First, the committee excludes representation from the Opposition. Secondly, of the five representatives from the civil society, Bhushan father-son -- who campaign for judicial accountability and judicial reform, lack mass acceptability because of their controversial views on Kashmir, Maoists and terrorists. The inclusion of the father-son duo divided the civil society by drawing a line between the right wingers and the left wingers.
Meanwhile, co-chairman of Lokpal committee Shanti Bhushan is caught in a CD controversy, casting aspersions on his integrity. The audio CD, contains alleged conversation, apparently between Bhushan, SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav and former SP leader Amar Singh about 'fixing a judge for a price'. The CD further suggests Shanti Bhushan was allegedly ‘negotiating’ with Mulayam that his son Prasant would file a PIL against UP government for a hefty sum.
The civil society is divided further with Anna Hazare asking Chief Ministers across the country to replicate the development work done by Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. The left wingers among many others have asked Hazare to explain his stand on Narendra Modi.
Anna Hazare as a social reformer is always acceptable to the masses. His lieutenants like Kiran Bedi, Arvind Kejriwal and Baba Ramdev have mass acceptability. But also associated with his movement is a jholawala brigade -- consisting of the likes of Swami Agnivesh, Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey, who love to throw their weight behind anti-nationals Maoist certainly do not impress the masses. In addition to this, amongst the cabal of NGOs supporting the movement, a large chunk is also involved in corruption across the country. Hence, to what extent the movement will succeed, only time will tell.
I must add a point here. I am sure a sizable section, who support Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption do not feel the need to exercise their right to franchise during elections. Most among them are facebookwalas and a part of the twitterati. If the youth want a corruption free India, they should first elect leaders with integrity.
-- Published in my blog ‘The Right Way’ in Zeenews.com
Saturday, March 26, 2011
West Bengal: A choice between a rock and a hard place
Saswat Panigrahi
Of the five provinces going to elections in April-May, West Bengal’s is the most interesting case. The election will be a tough test for the ruling CPI(M) as well as the opposition Trinamool Congress.
Till now West Bengal was seemingly immune to the anti-incumbency factor. With Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress emerging as a viable alternative force to the CPI(M), it is for the first time in over 33 years that the Left Front government is facing a strong anti-incumbency.
West Bengal’s present political scenario has its roots in its political history. To understand the difficult political calculus of the state, it is necessary to flip through the pages of the history.
The rise of Left
The year was 1977. Riding the anti-Emergency wave CPI(M) rode to the crest of West Bengal’s power centre ousting the Congress government led by Siddhartha Shankar Ray. Jyoti Basu, then 63, was sworn in as the Chief Minister.
Ever since the London-educated barrister Basu took over the reins of the state, West Bengal’s development graph continued to dip alarmingly, pushing the state into an era of decline and anarchy. The industrial slowdown in turn created a sizable number of unemployed youth who were often converted into CPI(M) cadre.
Under Jyoti Basu’s rule winning had become a habit for the Left. Under his leadership, CPI(M) tasted six consecutive victories in Assembly Elections.
It is not to dispute that Jyoti Basu built the Left citadel in West Bengal. Basu has to his credit the fact of being the longest serving Chief Minister of not just the state, but also in India, as he held the post for 23-long-years till he resigned on health grounds in 2000.
A vertical shift in CPM
The year 2000 proved to be the beginning of a new chapter in West Bengal politics. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, a liberal among the Marxists, who was considered as a viable alternative to Jyoti Basu within the CPI(M), was sworn in as the Chief Minister. In sharp contrast to Marxist ideology Bhattacharjee opened West Bengal’s door for industries and investments. Some called him ‘CPI(M)’s renaissance man’ and others termed him ‘anti-Marxists’. But, Buddhadeb’s mega industry plank clicked in 2006, as CPI(M) swept the Assembly Elections.
A boomerang on CPI(M)
Post 2006, Buddhadeb brand of industrialisation began to have few takers. There is no denial that Bhattacharjee regime brought a number of investment projects to the state. But the other side of the story, of course, is the plight of thousands of displaced people who have been denied the benefits of these projects. Singur and Nandigram are two cases in point.
Ever since Buddhadeb took over the reins of CPI(M) in West Bengal, it has not been the same party with the same ideology. CPI(M) leaders in the state are no longer committed comrades. The party betrayed the bourgeois, the very section it claims to fight for. CPI(M) in Bengal is now battling the allegations of championing the cause of capitalism at the cost of the poor. Its so-called claim of being a ‘people’s party’ has turned out to be a facade. Years of grievances have produced growing disenchantment in the party cadres.
The Mamata phenomenon
Here Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee, who was earlier lacking stability as a political leader, saw a ready-made opportunity. She closely identified the Left issues, hijacked them in a Left bastion and used them against the Left. She carefully toed a Communist line to woo people who are predominantly supportive of the Left. A sizable chunk of CPI(M) cadres, which was feeling uncomfortable with the changing ideology of the party, switched sides.
Mamata instilled a new Left thunder. Her formula of targeting Communists with Communism did wonders for Trinamool. The party swept the 2008 panchayat polls. In the 2009 General Election, Trinamool won 19 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats. And in 2010, it won the Kolkata municipal elections.
Rakta Charitra of Bengal
Looking at the rise of Mamata Banerjee, CPI(M) mobilised its cadres for a ‘stop Mamata campaign’ in a desperate bid to retain power. On the other hand, Trinamool Congress brainwashed its cadres against the ‘misgovernance’ under CPI(M) rule. The result: a macabre fight between the cadres of the two rival parties.
The CPI(M) and Trinamool cadres were up in arms against each other in the run-up to the Assembly Elections. In the last few months a number of carefully orchestrated political killings took place in the state. In what could be rightly termed as ‘body politics’ both CPI(M) and Trinamool paraded dead bodies of their party workers. The state of political rivalry was at its ugliest.
Maoists in West Bengal
Charu Majumdar, the architect of Maoism in India, was a CPI(M) comrade till he broke away from the party to launch Naxalbari uprising. It is said that CPI(M) maintained close links with the Maoists during the initial years of their movement. There is no doubt that the Marxists and Maoists share a common ideology that is Communism. In the course of time, the CPI(M) distanced itself from the Maoists realising a potential danger. By raising Communist issues against CPI(M), Mamata stepped in to fill that void. Maoists now see a new friend in Mamata.
It won’t be wrong to say that Maoists boiled Mamata’s Singur and Nandigram pots. The Trinamool supremo has openly sided with the Left-wing terror by paying homage to Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad in Lalgarh where she described his encounter as murder.
The Maoist-Trinamool nexus is certainly a poll issue with both CPI(M) and BJP flaying Mamata for romanticising Left-wing terror. But will that have a bearing on the poll result?
The minority card
Both CPI(M) and Trinamool Congress have a grip on minority vote bank. Both have understood that minority votes are crucial to the calculations of victory and hence are playing the minority card by doling out sops.
CPI(M)-led Left Front government has already announced 10 per cent reservation in government jobs for backward Muslims. In addition to that Buddhadeb government has extended reservations for Muslim students in higher educational institutions.
On the other hand, in an apparent bid to woo Muslim votes, Mamata Banerjee recently supported minority’s share in women’s quota. In addition, she has given tickets to a good number of minority candidates.
The coalition equation
The constituents in the Left front -- CPI(M), CPI, Forward Bloc and RSP comfortably decided to share seats for the Assembly Elections. But all was not well between the two UPA constituents, Congress and Trinamool, as far as the seat-sharing equation is concerned. After days of hectic political negotiations to break the impasse both the parties agreed to a seat-sharing pact. As expected, Mamata Banerjee turned out to be a hard bargainer and Congress surrendered to Mamata’s tough stance. As per the deal, in the 294-member Assembly, Trinamool will contest in 229 seats while Congress will contest in 65. The seat-sharing script appears to have been written by Mamata. The Congress is a junior coalition partner of Trinamool Congress in the state. The grand old party has only a fractional presence in the state and is desperately looking forward to share a victory after a gap of 33 years. It has no other choice, but to settle for a small share of the cake.
On the other hand, Mamata had her own arithmetic. She wants to come to power on her own, so that she could be less dependent on Congress after the polls. Trinamool made an official seat-sharing arrangement with Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI) and gave two seats from its kitty. The party could make a similar arrangement with other smaller players like Adivasi Mukti Morcha, Indian Muslim League, Jharkhand Disom Party, Gorkha Mukti Morcha and Chhatradhar Mahato-led pro-Maoist outfit People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities(PPCA) to add small pockets of support.
BJP, the new X-factor in West Bengal
BJP has played nationalism to the public gallery of West Bengal by launching its Rastriya Ekta Yatra from Kolkata, the birthplace of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee. By doing so the saffron party has tried to tap the ‘nationalist sentiments’ in West Bengal. In its election campaign BJP will certainly draw lines between nationalist leaders, the saffron party and West Bengal. The party is capitalising on the prevailing anti-Left sentiments in the state and claims its stake as a “serious political alternative”.
The real fight
In the battle ground West Bengal, the real fight is ironically between a ‘capitalist’ CPI(M) vs a ‘communist’ Trinamool.
There is a growing discontentment against the CPI(M) in both urban and rural pockets of the state. In the division of anti-Left votes Trinamool would be the biggest gainer. Trinamool is essentially an urban party with a strong base in South Bengal, particularly in Kolkata. Hence there is a clear cut possibility that Trinamool will score an edge over CPI(M) as far as the urban votes are concerned.
Buddhadeb’s pro-industry plank has significantly alienated CPI(M)’s rural vote bank. On the other hand, there has been gradual erosion in rural vote base of Trinamool. Reading between the lines, CPI(M)’s rural votes have shifted to Trinamool.
It’s now a changed Bengal. The writing is on the wall, “Didi is marching towards Writers’ Building. Bye bye Left Front”. But still, it would be too early to predict the election result at this point in time because the ballots are yet to be cast. Wait, watch and wonder!
-- Published in Zee online
Of the five provinces going to elections in April-May, West Bengal’s is the most interesting case. The election will be a tough test for the ruling CPI(M) as well as the opposition Trinamool Congress.
Till now West Bengal was seemingly immune to the anti-incumbency factor. With Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress emerging as a viable alternative force to the CPI(M), it is for the first time in over 33 years that the Left Front government is facing a strong anti-incumbency.
West Bengal’s present political scenario has its roots in its political history. To understand the difficult political calculus of the state, it is necessary to flip through the pages of the history.
The rise of Left
The year was 1977. Riding the anti-Emergency wave CPI(M) rode to the crest of West Bengal’s power centre ousting the Congress government led by Siddhartha Shankar Ray. Jyoti Basu, then 63, was sworn in as the Chief Minister.
Ever since the London-educated barrister Basu took over the reins of the state, West Bengal’s development graph continued to dip alarmingly, pushing the state into an era of decline and anarchy. The industrial slowdown in turn created a sizable number of unemployed youth who were often converted into CPI(M) cadre.
Under Jyoti Basu’s rule winning had become a habit for the Left. Under his leadership, CPI(M) tasted six consecutive victories in Assembly Elections.
It is not to dispute that Jyoti Basu built the Left citadel in West Bengal. Basu has to his credit the fact of being the longest serving Chief Minister of not just the state, but also in India, as he held the post for 23-long-years till he resigned on health grounds in 2000.
A vertical shift in CPM
The year 2000 proved to be the beginning of a new chapter in West Bengal politics. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, a liberal among the Marxists, who was considered as a viable alternative to Jyoti Basu within the CPI(M), was sworn in as the Chief Minister. In sharp contrast to Marxist ideology Bhattacharjee opened West Bengal’s door for industries and investments. Some called him ‘CPI(M)’s renaissance man’ and others termed him ‘anti-Marxists’. But, Buddhadeb’s mega industry plank clicked in 2006, as CPI(M) swept the Assembly Elections.
A boomerang on CPI(M)
Post 2006, Buddhadeb brand of industrialisation began to have few takers. There is no denial that Bhattacharjee regime brought a number of investment projects to the state. But the other side of the story, of course, is the plight of thousands of displaced people who have been denied the benefits of these projects. Singur and Nandigram are two cases in point.
Ever since Buddhadeb took over the reins of CPI(M) in West Bengal, it has not been the same party with the same ideology. CPI(M) leaders in the state are no longer committed comrades. The party betrayed the bourgeois, the very section it claims to fight for. CPI(M) in Bengal is now battling the allegations of championing the cause of capitalism at the cost of the poor. Its so-called claim of being a ‘people’s party’ has turned out to be a facade. Years of grievances have produced growing disenchantment in the party cadres.
The Mamata phenomenon
Here Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee, who was earlier lacking stability as a political leader, saw a ready-made opportunity. She closely identified the Left issues, hijacked them in a Left bastion and used them against the Left. She carefully toed a Communist line to woo people who are predominantly supportive of the Left. A sizable chunk of CPI(M) cadres, which was feeling uncomfortable with the changing ideology of the party, switched sides.
Mamata instilled a new Left thunder. Her formula of targeting Communists with Communism did wonders for Trinamool. The party swept the 2008 panchayat polls. In the 2009 General Election, Trinamool won 19 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats. And in 2010, it won the Kolkata municipal elections.
Rakta Charitra of Bengal
Looking at the rise of Mamata Banerjee, CPI(M) mobilised its cadres for a ‘stop Mamata campaign’ in a desperate bid to retain power. On the other hand, Trinamool Congress brainwashed its cadres against the ‘misgovernance’ under CPI(M) rule. The result: a macabre fight between the cadres of the two rival parties.
The CPI(M) and Trinamool cadres were up in arms against each other in the run-up to the Assembly Elections. In the last few months a number of carefully orchestrated political killings took place in the state. In what could be rightly termed as ‘body politics’ both CPI(M) and Trinamool paraded dead bodies of their party workers. The state of political rivalry was at its ugliest.
Maoists in West Bengal
Charu Majumdar, the architect of Maoism in India, was a CPI(M) comrade till he broke away from the party to launch Naxalbari uprising. It is said that CPI(M) maintained close links with the Maoists during the initial years of their movement. There is no doubt that the Marxists and Maoists share a common ideology that is Communism. In the course of time, the CPI(M) distanced itself from the Maoists realising a potential danger. By raising Communist issues against CPI(M), Mamata stepped in to fill that void. Maoists now see a new friend in Mamata.
It won’t be wrong to say that Maoists boiled Mamata’s Singur and Nandigram pots. The Trinamool supremo has openly sided with the Left-wing terror by paying homage to Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad in Lalgarh where she described his encounter as murder.
The Maoist-Trinamool nexus is certainly a poll issue with both CPI(M) and BJP flaying Mamata for romanticising Left-wing terror. But will that have a bearing on the poll result?
The minority card
Both CPI(M) and Trinamool Congress have a grip on minority vote bank. Both have understood that minority votes are crucial to the calculations of victory and hence are playing the minority card by doling out sops.
CPI(M)-led Left Front government has already announced 10 per cent reservation in government jobs for backward Muslims. In addition to that Buddhadeb government has extended reservations for Muslim students in higher educational institutions.
On the other hand, in an apparent bid to woo Muslim votes, Mamata Banerjee recently supported minority’s share in women’s quota. In addition, she has given tickets to a good number of minority candidates.
The coalition equation
The constituents in the Left front -- CPI(M), CPI, Forward Bloc and RSP comfortably decided to share seats for the Assembly Elections. But all was not well between the two UPA constituents, Congress and Trinamool, as far as the seat-sharing equation is concerned. After days of hectic political negotiations to break the impasse both the parties agreed to a seat-sharing pact. As expected, Mamata Banerjee turned out to be a hard bargainer and Congress surrendered to Mamata’s tough stance. As per the deal, in the 294-member Assembly, Trinamool will contest in 229 seats while Congress will contest in 65. The seat-sharing script appears to have been written by Mamata. The Congress is a junior coalition partner of Trinamool Congress in the state. The grand old party has only a fractional presence in the state and is desperately looking forward to share a victory after a gap of 33 years. It has no other choice, but to settle for a small share of the cake.
On the other hand, Mamata had her own arithmetic. She wants to come to power on her own, so that she could be less dependent on Congress after the polls. Trinamool made an official seat-sharing arrangement with Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI) and gave two seats from its kitty. The party could make a similar arrangement with other smaller players like Adivasi Mukti Morcha, Indian Muslim League, Jharkhand Disom Party, Gorkha Mukti Morcha and Chhatradhar Mahato-led pro-Maoist outfit People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities(PPCA) to add small pockets of support.
BJP, the new X-factor in West Bengal
BJP has played nationalism to the public gallery of West Bengal by launching its Rastriya Ekta Yatra from Kolkata, the birthplace of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee. By doing so the saffron party has tried to tap the ‘nationalist sentiments’ in West Bengal. In its election campaign BJP will certainly draw lines between nationalist leaders, the saffron party and West Bengal. The party is capitalising on the prevailing anti-Left sentiments in the state and claims its stake as a “serious political alternative”.
The real fight
In the battle ground West Bengal, the real fight is ironically between a ‘capitalist’ CPI(M) vs a ‘communist’ Trinamool.
There is a growing discontentment against the CPI(M) in both urban and rural pockets of the state. In the division of anti-Left votes Trinamool would be the biggest gainer. Trinamool is essentially an urban party with a strong base in South Bengal, particularly in Kolkata. Hence there is a clear cut possibility that Trinamool will score an edge over CPI(M) as far as the urban votes are concerned.
Buddhadeb’s pro-industry plank has significantly alienated CPI(M)’s rural vote bank. On the other hand, there has been gradual erosion in rural vote base of Trinamool. Reading between the lines, CPI(M)’s rural votes have shifted to Trinamool.
It’s now a changed Bengal. The writing is on the wall, “Didi is marching towards Writers’ Building. Bye bye Left Front”. But still, it would be too early to predict the election result at this point in time because the ballots are yet to be cast. Wait, watch and wonder!
-- Published in Zee online
State elections 2011: The title contenders
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee (CPM-led Left Front)
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the second time Chief Minister of West Bengal, is considered as a liberal among the Marxists. He started his political career as a primary member of CPM. He was elected as a MLA from Cossipore constituency in 1977, the year CPM came to power in West Bengal and became a minister for information and culture. He continued to maintain his profile in the rank and file of both CPM and Bengal politics. In 1993, Buddhadeb tendered his resignation from the state cabinet due to a significant difference of opinion with then chief minister Jyoti Basu. Within the CPM, Bhattacharjee was always considered as a viable alternative to Basu. That eventually led to him to become the chief minister in 2000.
In sharp contrast to Marxist ideology Bhattacharjee opened West Bengal’s door for industries and investments. Some called him ‘CPM’s renaissance man’ and others termed him ‘anti-Marxists’. But, Buddhadeb’s mega industry plank clicked in 2006 as CPI(M) swept the assembly elections.
Post 2006, Buddhadeb brand of industrialisation faced criticism. Buddhadeb’s pro-industry programme at the cost of livelihood of the people boomeranged on CPI(M). CPI(M) in Bengal could not remain the same party with the same ideology. It is now battling allegations of championing the cause of capitalism at the cost of the poor.
Mamata Banerjee (Congress supported Trinamool candidate)
Mamata Banerjee started her political career with Congress and quickly rose to the rank of general secretary of the All India Youth Congress. In 1984 she was elected to Lok Sabha defeating CPM strongman Somnath Chatterjee from the Jadavpur parliamentary constituency. She was one of India’s young parliamentarians in 1980s. Banerjee was made the Union Minister of State for Human Resources Development, Youth Affairs and Sports, and Women and Child Development in the Narasimha Rao government in 1991.
In 1997, Mamata Banerjee left the Congress alleging that the party was behaving as a stooge of the CPM in West Bengal and floated Trinamool Congress. Trinamool quickly became the primary opposition to the long-standing Communist government in the state.
In 1999, Banerjee joined the BJP-led NDA government and became the Railways Ministry. In 2001 she walked out of the NDA cabinet and allied with the Congress Party in West Bengal Assembly elections held in the same year.
She again returned to the NDA fold and joined the cabinet as a Coal and Mines minister in 2004. In 2009 general elections she formed an alliance with Congress-led UPA. Mamata, the leader of the second largest party of UPA coalition became the Union Railway Minister again. But due to West Bengal elections, Mamata remains indifferent towards the crucial ministry and eyeing for the chief minister’s chair in Writer’s building.
The fluctuating political profile of Mamata Banerjee tells a story. Mamata was earlier lacking stability as a political leader. But, with the emergence of a ‘capitalist CPI(M)’ under Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s rule, she found a ready-made opportunity. She has closely identified the Left issues, hijacked them in the Left bastion and used them against the Left.
M Karunanidhi (DMK)
Karunanidhi began his career as a screenwriter in the Tamil film industry. He thoroughly used both Tamil literature and Tamil cinema as medium to propagate fanatic Dravidian movement.
He entered to the foray of politics by anti-Hindi agitations. He was first elected to the Tamil Nadu assembly in 1957 in a DMK ticket. He became the DMK treasurer in 1961 and deputy leader of opposition in the state assembly in 1962.
When the DMK came to power in 1967, he became the minister for public works. Karunanidhi has been the leader of the DMK since the demise of the party founder CN Annadurai in 1969. He took over as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 2006 after DMK defeated its main opponent AIDMK.
In this election, Karunanidhi’s DMK is facing the biggest ever threat to its position. With the DMK patriarch’s blue eyed boy and former telecom minister A Raja under CBI custody for 2G spectrum scam, investigations are haunting Karunanidhi, his party and his family. There is no doubt that 2G scam issue will bring a negative swing against DMK in this election. But Karunanidhi is all set to fight it out with his money power.
There are other issues like Lankan Tamil issue and fishermen’s killing adding to Karunanidhi’s anti-incumbency woes.
In addition, there is infighting in his family. With Karunanidhi on the verge of calling it a day, a neck and neck battle between his children for his succession has erupted. The family feud has also created fissures in the party.
J Jayalalithaa (AIADMK)
After a successful career in Tamil film industry as an actress J Jayalalithaa joined AIADMK in 1981. Her association with politics grew because of her proximity to Late MG Ramachandran (popularly known as MGR) and that helped her to become his political heir.
In 1988, she was nominated to the Rajya Sabha. In 1989, Jayalalithaa won the elections to the Tamil Nadu legislative assembly and incidentally became the first woman to be elected as the Leader of the Opposition.
In 1991, following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, just days before the elections, her alliance with the Congress paid off as a sympathy wave propelled the coalition to a massive victory. She was re-elected to the legislative assembly and became the first elected woman chief minister of Tamil Nadu.
In 1996 assembly election, AIADMK lost to DMK in a landslide defeat. In 2001 Tamil Nadu polls, defying the pre-poll predictions Jayalalithaa returned to power with a huge majority and mustered a bigger coalition. In 2006, Tamil Nadu assembly elections, her AIADMK had to relinquish power to DMK.
VS Achuthanandan (CPM led LDF)
VS Achuthanandan is the senior most leader of CPI(M) in Kerala. He started his political career as a Congress trade union leader in 1930s. In 1940 he joined the CPI. During 1957 Indo-China war, he was amongst the handful of Communist ‘nationalists’ to support India. Remember, he was demoted in the party rank after participating in a blood donation camp to help Indian soldiers? In 1964, CPM was carved away from CPI and Achuthanandan joined the CPM. He served as a CPM state secretary between 1980 and 1992. Since 1985 he is the member of the CPI(M) politburo, the highest policy making body of the party.
Achuthanandan served as an editor of CPI(M)’s Malayalam mouth piece Deshabhimani.
As a Chief Minister he made tall promises for industrialisation but hardly manage to keep them.
In 2009 Achuthanandan was suspended from the politburo for his tussle with state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
In July last he hurled a political bombshell by saying “an attempt is going on to convert Kerala into an Islamic state”. Very obviously, his ‘Islamic Kerala’ byte faced the ire of his party. His comment was slammed by Muslim organisations. Congress flayed Achuthanandan by saying it was part of CPI(M)’s strategy to play the ‘Hindu card’.
For this election like the last, CPI(M) state committee first denied Achuthanandan a party ticket to contest poll, but following huge outcry by his supporters, CPI(M) politburo intervened and the state committee had to reverse its decision.
The 87-year-old CPI(M) patriarch is contesting Kerala polls and hopes to retain power.
Oommen Chandy (Congress led UDF)
Oommen Chandy ventured into political arena as an activist of Kerala Students Union (KSU) and soon became its president.
In 1970, he was elected as the president of the State Youth Congress. Chandy served as a labour minister, home minister and finance minister of Kerala in between 1977 to 1994.
Oommen Chandy became the Kerala CM in 2004 after senior Congress leader AK Anthony vacated the post to take up a national assignment.
Since 2006 he has been serving as the Leader of the Opposition in the Kerala Legislative Assembly.
Tarun Kumar Gogoi (Congress)
Gogoi started his political career as a Youth Congress leader. Late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi spotted his promising young talent and entrusted him with the responsibility of organising the Youth Congress in Assam. In 1971, Gogoi was elected to Lok Sabha.
Gogoi was the joint secretary of All India Congress Committee in 1976. The six-time Lok Shabha MP served as a Union Minister from 1991 to 95. In 2001 he assumed the Office of Assam’s chief minister. In 2006, Gogoi beat the anti-incumbency and came back to power.
In this election, an anti-incumbency storm is brewing against his decade-long government. Tarun Gogoi government is battling allegations of various scams quantified to the tune of Rs 20,000 crore. In addition to that, there are issues like illegal immigration and tea garden issue which adds to Gogoi’s anti-incumbency woes.
Prafulla Kumar Mahanta(AGP)
Prafulla Mahanta is regarded as the other most powerful and influential politicians of Assam. Mahanta is credited for becoming the youngest chief minister in the country`s history.
He started his political career with All Assam Students Union, a student organisation that spearheaded the Assam Movement between 1979 and 1985. After serving as the president of All Assam Students Union, Mahanta joined the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP).
He served as the chief minister of Assam for two terms -- 1985–1990 and 1996–2001. In 2005, his membership in the AGP was terminated and he floated a new political party, Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive).
But his need in AGP was largely felt before the 2009 Lok Sabha Elections to fill the void of leadership. He was re-inducted into the AGP and became an integral part of the party again. In 2010, he was unanimously elected as the Leader of Opposition in the Assam Legislative Assembly.
V Vaithilingam (Congress)
V Vaithilingam is a Congress strongman in the union territory of Puducherry.
Vaithilingam contested for the 1980 assembly election with a Congress ticket and lost with a close margin. He won the 1985 assembly election and became a public works and power minister. Vaithilingam was sworn in as the chief minister of Puduchery in 1991.
When Congress in the union territory was marred by a rift within, the party high command asked the elected chief minister N Rangaswamy to resign in 2008 and Vaithilingam became the Chief Minister.
Vaithilingam advocates smaller government and greater participation of private sector. It seems Vaithilingam-led Congress government faces little opposition in the union territory of Puducherry.
N Rangaswamy (All India NR Congress)
N Rangaswamy started his political career from the Congress party and soon rose in party’s rank and file.
He held important portfolios like agriculture minister and PWD minister in the union territory in between 1991 and 2000.
It was under his leadership Congress had grown by leaps and bounds in Puducherry. In 2001 after Congress won another term, Rangaswamy was sworn as the Chief Minister. In 2006 the Congress-led Democratic Progressive Alliance(DPA) came back to power and Rangaswamy was re-inducted as the chief minister.
As a chief minister, Rangaswamy was largely instrumental in developing the infrastructure of Puducherry. He introduced free education in government schools and fee reimbursement for college students.
It was under his tenure as chief minister that Puducherry was recognised as the best in the small state category.
In 2008, Congress in the Union territory was marred by internecine infighting. The party high command asked Rangaswamy to resign.
After resigning from Congress, Rangaswamy floated his political party called All India NR Congress.
He is known for his down-to-earth life style.
-- As it appeared in the Battle for states 2011 coverage of Zeeonline
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the second time Chief Minister of West Bengal, is considered as a liberal among the Marxists. He started his political career as a primary member of CPM. He was elected as a MLA from Cossipore constituency in 1977, the year CPM came to power in West Bengal and became a minister for information and culture. He continued to maintain his profile in the rank and file of both CPM and Bengal politics. In 1993, Buddhadeb tendered his resignation from the state cabinet due to a significant difference of opinion with then chief minister Jyoti Basu. Within the CPM, Bhattacharjee was always considered as a viable alternative to Basu. That eventually led to him to become the chief minister in 2000.
In sharp contrast to Marxist ideology Bhattacharjee opened West Bengal’s door for industries and investments. Some called him ‘CPM’s renaissance man’ and others termed him ‘anti-Marxists’. But, Buddhadeb’s mega industry plank clicked in 2006 as CPI(M) swept the assembly elections.
Post 2006, Buddhadeb brand of industrialisation faced criticism. Buddhadeb’s pro-industry programme at the cost of livelihood of the people boomeranged on CPI(M). CPI(M) in Bengal could not remain the same party with the same ideology. It is now battling allegations of championing the cause of capitalism at the cost of the poor.
Mamata Banerjee (Congress supported Trinamool candidate)
Mamata Banerjee started her political career with Congress and quickly rose to the rank of general secretary of the All India Youth Congress. In 1984 she was elected to Lok Sabha defeating CPM strongman Somnath Chatterjee from the Jadavpur parliamentary constituency. She was one of India’s young parliamentarians in 1980s. Banerjee was made the Union Minister of State for Human Resources Development, Youth Affairs and Sports, and Women and Child Development in the Narasimha Rao government in 1991.
In 1997, Mamata Banerjee left the Congress alleging that the party was behaving as a stooge of the CPM in West Bengal and floated Trinamool Congress. Trinamool quickly became the primary opposition to the long-standing Communist government in the state.
In 1999, Banerjee joined the BJP-led NDA government and became the Railways Ministry. In 2001 she walked out of the NDA cabinet and allied with the Congress Party in West Bengal Assembly elections held in the same year.
She again returned to the NDA fold and joined the cabinet as a Coal and Mines minister in 2004. In 2009 general elections she formed an alliance with Congress-led UPA. Mamata, the leader of the second largest party of UPA coalition became the Union Railway Minister again. But due to West Bengal elections, Mamata remains indifferent towards the crucial ministry and eyeing for the chief minister’s chair in Writer’s building.
The fluctuating political profile of Mamata Banerjee tells a story. Mamata was earlier lacking stability as a political leader. But, with the emergence of a ‘capitalist CPI(M)’ under Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s rule, she found a ready-made opportunity. She has closely identified the Left issues, hijacked them in the Left bastion and used them against the Left.
M Karunanidhi (DMK)
Karunanidhi began his career as a screenwriter in the Tamil film industry. He thoroughly used both Tamil literature and Tamil cinema as medium to propagate fanatic Dravidian movement.
He entered to the foray of politics by anti-Hindi agitations. He was first elected to the Tamil Nadu assembly in 1957 in a DMK ticket. He became the DMK treasurer in 1961 and deputy leader of opposition in the state assembly in 1962.
When the DMK came to power in 1967, he became the minister for public works. Karunanidhi has been the leader of the DMK since the demise of the party founder CN Annadurai in 1969. He took over as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 2006 after DMK defeated its main opponent AIDMK.
In this election, Karunanidhi’s DMK is facing the biggest ever threat to its position. With the DMK patriarch’s blue eyed boy and former telecom minister A Raja under CBI custody for 2G spectrum scam, investigations are haunting Karunanidhi, his party and his family. There is no doubt that 2G scam issue will bring a negative swing against DMK in this election. But Karunanidhi is all set to fight it out with his money power.
There are other issues like Lankan Tamil issue and fishermen’s killing adding to Karunanidhi’s anti-incumbency woes.
In addition, there is infighting in his family. With Karunanidhi on the verge of calling it a day, a neck and neck battle between his children for his succession has erupted. The family feud has also created fissures in the party.
J Jayalalithaa (AIADMK)
After a successful career in Tamil film industry as an actress J Jayalalithaa joined AIADMK in 1981. Her association with politics grew because of her proximity to Late MG Ramachandran (popularly known as MGR) and that helped her to become his political heir.
In 1988, she was nominated to the Rajya Sabha. In 1989, Jayalalithaa won the elections to the Tamil Nadu legislative assembly and incidentally became the first woman to be elected as the Leader of the Opposition.
In 1991, following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, just days before the elections, her alliance with the Congress paid off as a sympathy wave propelled the coalition to a massive victory. She was re-elected to the legislative assembly and became the first elected woman chief minister of Tamil Nadu.
In 1996 assembly election, AIADMK lost to DMK in a landslide defeat. In 2001 Tamil Nadu polls, defying the pre-poll predictions Jayalalithaa returned to power with a huge majority and mustered a bigger coalition. In 2006, Tamil Nadu assembly elections, her AIADMK had to relinquish power to DMK.
VS Achuthanandan (CPM led LDF)
VS Achuthanandan is the senior most leader of CPI(M) in Kerala. He started his political career as a Congress trade union leader in 1930s. In 1940 he joined the CPI. During 1957 Indo-China war, he was amongst the handful of Communist ‘nationalists’ to support India. Remember, he was demoted in the party rank after participating in a blood donation camp to help Indian soldiers? In 1964, CPM was carved away from CPI and Achuthanandan joined the CPM. He served as a CPM state secretary between 1980 and 1992. Since 1985 he is the member of the CPI(M) politburo, the highest policy making body of the party.
Achuthanandan served as an editor of CPI(M)’s Malayalam mouth piece Deshabhimani.
As a Chief Minister he made tall promises for industrialisation but hardly manage to keep them.
In 2009 Achuthanandan was suspended from the politburo for his tussle with state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.
In July last he hurled a political bombshell by saying “an attempt is going on to convert Kerala into an Islamic state”. Very obviously, his ‘Islamic Kerala’ byte faced the ire of his party. His comment was slammed by Muslim organisations. Congress flayed Achuthanandan by saying it was part of CPI(M)’s strategy to play the ‘Hindu card’.
For this election like the last, CPI(M) state committee first denied Achuthanandan a party ticket to contest poll, but following huge outcry by his supporters, CPI(M) politburo intervened and the state committee had to reverse its decision.
The 87-year-old CPI(M) patriarch is contesting Kerala polls and hopes to retain power.
Oommen Chandy (Congress led UDF)
Oommen Chandy ventured into political arena as an activist of Kerala Students Union (KSU) and soon became its president.
In 1970, he was elected as the president of the State Youth Congress. Chandy served as a labour minister, home minister and finance minister of Kerala in between 1977 to 1994.
Oommen Chandy became the Kerala CM in 2004 after senior Congress leader AK Anthony vacated the post to take up a national assignment.
Since 2006 he has been serving as the Leader of the Opposition in the Kerala Legislative Assembly.
Tarun Kumar Gogoi (Congress)
Gogoi started his political career as a Youth Congress leader. Late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi spotted his promising young talent and entrusted him with the responsibility of organising the Youth Congress in Assam. In 1971, Gogoi was elected to Lok Sabha.
Gogoi was the joint secretary of All India Congress Committee in 1976. The six-time Lok Shabha MP served as a Union Minister from 1991 to 95. In 2001 he assumed the Office of Assam’s chief minister. In 2006, Gogoi beat the anti-incumbency and came back to power.
In this election, an anti-incumbency storm is brewing against his decade-long government. Tarun Gogoi government is battling allegations of various scams quantified to the tune of Rs 20,000 crore. In addition to that, there are issues like illegal immigration and tea garden issue which adds to Gogoi’s anti-incumbency woes.
Prafulla Kumar Mahanta(AGP)
Prafulla Mahanta is regarded as the other most powerful and influential politicians of Assam. Mahanta is credited for becoming the youngest chief minister in the country`s history.
He started his political career with All Assam Students Union, a student organisation that spearheaded the Assam Movement between 1979 and 1985. After serving as the president of All Assam Students Union, Mahanta joined the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP).
He served as the chief minister of Assam for two terms -- 1985–1990 and 1996–2001. In 2005, his membership in the AGP was terminated and he floated a new political party, Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive).
But his need in AGP was largely felt before the 2009 Lok Sabha Elections to fill the void of leadership. He was re-inducted into the AGP and became an integral part of the party again. In 2010, he was unanimously elected as the Leader of Opposition in the Assam Legislative Assembly.
V Vaithilingam (Congress)
V Vaithilingam is a Congress strongman in the union territory of Puducherry.
Vaithilingam contested for the 1980 assembly election with a Congress ticket and lost with a close margin. He won the 1985 assembly election and became a public works and power minister. Vaithilingam was sworn in as the chief minister of Puduchery in 1991.
When Congress in the union territory was marred by a rift within, the party high command asked the elected chief minister N Rangaswamy to resign in 2008 and Vaithilingam became the Chief Minister.
Vaithilingam advocates smaller government and greater participation of private sector. It seems Vaithilingam-led Congress government faces little opposition in the union territory of Puducherry.
N Rangaswamy (All India NR Congress)
N Rangaswamy started his political career from the Congress party and soon rose in party’s rank and file.
He held important portfolios like agriculture minister and PWD minister in the union territory in between 1991 and 2000.
It was under his leadership Congress had grown by leaps and bounds in Puducherry. In 2001 after Congress won another term, Rangaswamy was sworn as the Chief Minister. In 2006 the Congress-led Democratic Progressive Alliance(DPA) came back to power and Rangaswamy was re-inducted as the chief minister.
As a chief minister, Rangaswamy was largely instrumental in developing the infrastructure of Puducherry. He introduced free education in government schools and fee reimbursement for college students.
It was under his tenure as chief minister that Puducherry was recognised as the best in the small state category.
In 2008, Congress in the Union territory was marred by internecine infighting. The party high command asked Rangaswamy to resign.
After resigning from Congress, Rangaswamy floated his political party called All India NR Congress.
He is known for his down-to-earth life style.
-- As it appeared in the Battle for states 2011 coverage of Zeeonline
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