BJD after Naveen-Pyari divorce

Saswat Panigrahi

It was a case of ambition going astray. After his May 29 failed coup to dislodge Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik , it was natural that only reprisal awaited Pyari Mohan Mohapatra. Patnaik generally known for his dithering decisions, for a change took no time in suspending his ‘advisor’.

Today, Mohapatra, who once virtually ruled the state de-facto, is a forlorn man with his so called supporters deserting him like a flock of birds returning home to Patnaik`s camp. Such has been the anger against his ‘audacity’ that people have been openly demanding more stringent action against Mohapatra. Meanwhile, Patnaik is busy trying to purge all the Mohapatra loyalists from his party Biju Janata Dal (BJD).

‘Beimaan’ (traitor) was the word Patnaik used for Mohapatra after the failed coup attempt.

Even as the BJD copes with a post-Pyari chapter, the party stands dazed in Odisha, gripped by a fear of another attempt at dislodging the government. Patnaik is seemingly haunted by the fear of the unknown despite a huge sympathy wave in his favour, largely fuelled by the foolish attempt by Mohapatra to topple him from the hot seat when he was away in UK – incidentally this was Naveen’s first visit abroad in 12 years.

A taste of own medicine

It all started one hot and humid evening when some 30 BJD MLAs, including four senior ministers suddenly flocked to Mohapatra`s A/111, Sahid Nagar residence on May 29. The legislators were asked to put their signatures on paper to choose him as the new leader of the BJD Legislature Party.

Mohapatra had reportedly sought an appointment with the Governor for the next day to stake claim to form the government. But Mohapatra’s plan came be a cropper as he failed to muster the desired numbers to topple the government in Odisha.

On hearing the news, a stunned and panic-stricken Naveen Patnaik made a dash back to Bhubaneswar by cutting shot his London trip and suspended the coup plotter and Mohapatra finally got a taste of his own medicine.

Naveen shoots a sharp shooter

Naveen took no time in denouncing Pyari Mohan Mohapatra as a ‘back stabber’. But let’s not forget that Mohapatra has a history of demolishing his political opponents by pursuing dirty politics, without batting an eyelid.

In the year 2000 Naveen Patnaik sacked BJD founder Bijoy Mohapatra from the party on the advice of Pyari Mohan. Two years later, Naveen withdrew another BJD founder Dilip Ray first from the federal government and subsequently axed him from the party under Pyari Mohan’s influence.

Between October 2008 and March 2009, Pyari Mohan launched a covert operation to convert BJP’s organisational base into BJD’s organisational structure. He ensured that all BJP units in saffron strongholds of the state either transfer their loyalty to BJD or be closed by employing resourceful measures. Observers have not forgotten Mohapatra’s meticulously planned move to dump the saffron party just ahead of the 2009 polls after over a decade-long coalition.

In his twelve-year-long regime, Naveen Patnaik sacked as many as 26 ministers, thanks to Mohapatra.

Naveen’s ex-Man Friday

Pyari Mohan Mohapatra (Pyari babu, Pyari, PM or Uncle as he is popularly known as) is a career bureaucrat, who served as the principal secretary to then chief minister Biju Patnaik between 1990 and 1994.

A 1963-batch former IAS officer, Mohapatra entered politics in 1999, when he joined the BJD as a primary member, two years after the party was formed. Soon he became Naveen’s Man Friday. Patnaik started consulting Mohapatra over every matter of politics and governance.

In 2004, Patnaik sent Mohapatra to the Rajya Sabha on a BJD ticket. By that time Mohapatra had acquired a larger-than-life stature in the party and in the government.

Though he held no important party post, Mohapatra was the first among the equals. He used to decide how the party and government must run. Such was his importance and clout that ministers and bureaucrats used to make a beeline to seek his instructions. Without his nod nothing could move in the BJD or in Odisha. Mohapatra started a unique system of governance in which ministers used to report to secretaries (IAS officers). In fact there was a joke doing rounds in the state - ‘PM’ is in charge of the state, not the CM. 

How the romance went cold?

However, for a while now the Naveen-Pyari romance had gone cold. A crack in their relationship surfaced when Naveen declared the candidature of Pyari’s bête noir Ranendra Pratap Swain for Athgarh Assembly by-poll in February this year. Remember, Swain was disqualified during the 2009 Assembly polls following non-submission of his ‘original’ party ticket. It was Mohapatra, who played a key role in the events that led to Swain’s disqualification.

Naveen snubbed Mohapatra again when he campaigned alone in the Panchayat polls in February.

The split between the two leaders widened further when Patnaik announced the names of three Rajya Sabha candidates in March without consulting Mohapatra.

Finally, their bond ended with a failed coup bid by Mohapatra followed by his suspension.

A vulnerable BJD

Naveen Patnaik’s government might have survived for now. But this is the beginning of a grand battle ahead.

Another political landmine is waiting to explode, when Patnaik will reshuffle his cabinet and axe a few other ministers loyal to Pyari.

It is a fact that a sizable number of BJD MLAs are Pyari Mohan’s own men. While Mohapatra is waiting for an opportunity to strike back, Patnaik may be taking the risk of considering his foes as his friends.

It is no secret that Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik hardly interacts with his MLAs. So Mohapatra is not wrong when he says that the CM can’t even recall the names of his own MLAs. In such a situation, can Naveen maintain his grip over the party and the government?

According to a senior political commentator Pratap Mohanty, “BJD was not created by Naveen Patnaik or Pyari Mohan. It was Bijoy Mohapatra who did it. Both Naveen and Pyari tried to appropriate the party. While Pyari has failed, Naveen is becoming weak by the day.”

There is no doubt that the Naveen-Pyari fight has left the BJD vulnerable. With a mission to split the party having failed, now Mohapatra will either launch his own party or join the Congress. In both the cases he will certainly eat into BJD’s support base.

Also, Pyari’s inevitable exit from the BJD might lead to some new political equations. However, this may not be much of an advantage for the BJD.

With Patnaik’s clean image blown to pieces by a series of scams lately, come 2014 BJD will face the battle of its lifetime. Will the party survive or simply wither away?

Faultlines in J&K interlocutors’ report

Saswat Panigrahi

The much awaited report by a three-member interlocutors’ panel on Jammu and Kashmir - appointed by the Union Home Ministry - is out in the public domain. The report titled ‘A New Compact with the People of Jammu and Kashmir’ claims to have suggested a “roadmap” to address the vexed Kashmir issue.

The interlocutors’ panel - journalist Dilip Padgaonkar, academic Radha Kumar and former civil servant MM Ansari - in its 176-page-long report has recommended reviewing of all central Acts and Articles of Indian Constitution, extended to Jammu and Kashmir after the 1952 Delhi agreement. This has once again brought the complex web of Kashmir issue to the fore.

Before commenting on the interlocutors’ report, let us flip through the pages of history.

Jammu and Kashmir was a princely state, which was acceded to India by the virtue of a constitutional document called Instrument of Accession under the Indian Independence Act, 1947.

Maharaja Hari Singh, then supreme ruler of Jammu and Kashmir and the sole designated authority of the state signed the Instrument of Succession on October 26, 1947.

It reads, “I Sri Hari Singh, ruler of Jammu and Kashmir state in the exercise of my sovereignty in and over my said state do hereby execute this my Instrument of Accession....The terms of this Instrument of Accession shall not be varied by any amendment of the Act or of Indian Independence Act, 1947...I hereby declare that I execute this instrument on behalf of the state and that any reference in this instrument to me or the ruler of the state is to be considered as including reference to my heirs and successors.”

The Instrument of Accession made it clear that there was no dispute in acceding Jammu and Kashmir into India. But, historic blunders were committed by the then interim government. 

Though the format of Instrument of Accession applied to Jammu and Kashmir was the same as was executed for other princely states, then interim Indian government led by Jawaharlal Nehru agreed that “final decision” with regard to the accession would be ratified by the Constituent Assembly of Jammu & Kashmir. In the intervening period “a temporary provision” was made in the Constitution of India.

Article 370 was created in the Indian Constitution to give a “special status” to Jammu and Kashmir. As per that status, except for three subjects - Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communications - the Centre needs the concurrence of Jammu and Kashmir govt to apply all other laws.

Separate constitution and separate flag for Jammu and Kashmir are the by-products of Article 370. The article which was introduced in the Indian Constitution as a “temporary statute” has become a permanent problem. It stands as a stumbling block between Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of India. The article gave birth to the idea of autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir.

The interlocutors’ report advocates further strengthening of Article 370 to ensure "meaningful autonomy" for the state. It suggests upgrading the article from a “temporary provision” to a “special provision”.

I see a glaring blunder in the report – it weakens India’s position on Kashmir by repeatedly referring to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) as Pakistan-administered Kashmir (PaK).

It may be recalled that soon after the division of India, newly formed Pakistan intruded into Kashmir and illegally occupied a large stretch of area - known as Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK). PoK belongs to the state of Jammu and Kashmir and as per the Instrument of Succession it is very much a part of India. The 1994 resolution of the Indian Parliament acknowledges PoK as an integral part of India. However, the interlocutors failed to recognise these historic realities.The report also offers no solution to the ongoing insurgency in J&K. Instead, it suggests a dilution of anti-terrorism steps.

The report recommends a review of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) imposed in Kashmir. It suggests amending the Public Safety Act (PSA). Both the acts give sweeping powers to the armed forces for ensuring security and fighting the terrorists. In addition, the interlocutors’ report advocates decreasing the presence of security forces from the state.

They have gone on to suggest the recreating of the offices of "Wazir-e-Azam"(Prime Minister of the Province) and "Sadar-e-Riyasat (President of the Province)" in place of Chief Minister and Governor respectively, something which will be unacceptable to most people in India.

The report is, thus, filled with controversial fault lines. Besides, the interlocutors have abysmally failed to offer any solution to the vexed Kashmir issue - the very purpose for which it was set up.

Combating Maoist terror, the Odisha way!

The nation witnessed three hostage crises in quick succession -- two in Odisha and one in Chhattisgarh -- in less than two months.

In Odisha, the Maoists took hostage ruling BJD MLA Jina Hikaka for 33 days. Earlier, the left ultras held captive two Italian nationals – Claudio Colangelo and Paolo Bosusco -- for 11 days and 29 days, respectively. In neighbouring Chhattisgarh, the red ultras held hostage the collector of the newly-formed Sukma district Alex Paul Menon for 12 days.

Even as I write this piece, the Maoists abducted a police sub-inspector in Nuapada district of Odisha and later shot him dead.

Now, as the hostage drama is over, let me analyse how the two state governments dealt with the Maoists to secure the release of the hostages. For the record, Chhattisgarh government claims that it entered into an agreement with the Maoists to set up a high-powered committee to secure the release of the Sukma collector. The committee will review the cases of all prisoners locked in state jails, including the cases demanded by the Maoists.

Some concessions could have been made by the Chhattisgarh government, though Chief Minister Raman Singh denies any “trade off”. But that is in sharp contrast to Odisha government’s shameful capitulation before the Maoists to secure release of the BJD MLA and two Italian nationals. Bowing to the Maoists, Naveen Patnaik government agreed to free five left ultras to facilitate the release of two Italian nationals.

To obtain the release of the BJD MLA, Naveen government bent further before another Maoist group. The BJD government decided to release as many as 25 left rebels, which includes eight Maoists and 17 members of the Maoist-backed Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh after “significant negotiation (as a BJD leader puts it).”

The story didn’t end there, the ruling BJD MLA was “prosecuted” in a Kangaroo court (read ‘people’s court’), where the Maoists played the judge. Hikaka reportedly told the Kangaroo court that he would resign as MLA, snap all ties with the BJD and live as an ordinary citizen, after which the ‘court’ pronounced its order to free him.

The twin hostage crisis in Odisha took place exactly a year after Maoists abducted the then Malkangiri collector R Vineel Krishna. The state government had negotiated a swap deal with the Maoists to secure the release of the collector. As per the deal, Odisha government freed a dozen of hardcore Maoists, apart from agreeing to a 13-point charter of demands set by the left ultras.

Hostage crisis followed by a craven surrender by the state government has become an annual event in Odisha.

Odisha has emerged as a soft state when it comes to dealing with Maoists. So far Naveen Patnaik government has done nothing to rein in the left ultras and thereby making the state a sanctuary for the Maoists.

Italian hostage crisis: A staged drama!

It is learnt that Italian national Paolo Bosusco -- who was running a travel agency in Puri -- was a member of Italy based ultra-Left outfit Party of Committees to Support Resistance for Communism (CARC). It is further learnt that Bosusco had enjoyed the hospitality of the Maoists on several occasions. 

BJD on a tightrope

As Jina Hikaka’s possible resignation is doing the rounds, the ruling BJD is in a tight spot over its exposed nexus with the Maoists. It is revealed that the abduction of the Laximipur MLA was the result of a secret pact – done by BJD with Maoist-backed Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha (CMAS) during the election for Koraput Zila Parishad president in March -- gone wrong. Remember, it was the same CMAS, which was banned by Odisha government in 2006.

Hikaka along with Koraput MP Jayaram Pangi, Jeypore MLA Ravi Nanda, Koraput MLA Raghuram Podal, beside 14 Zilla Parishad members of Koraput district reportedly signed a tacit agreement with CMAS, whose elected members in Panchayats held the deciding vote. Reports say Maoist interlocutor Dandapani Mohanty played a key role in sealing the deal with the BJD.

The agreement was sent to Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik in the form of a letter. The letter clearly stated that the BJD agreed to a charter demands made by the CMAS. The demands include leniency against CMAS members locked in prisons, halting operation Green Hunt, action against “police excesses” in Naxal-hold areas of Koraput district among others. In return, the CMAS members voted for the BJD.

When the BJD government could not afford to keep its promises made to the CMAS, the Maoists abducted Hikaka to arm twist the government.

“Our elected members voted for the BJD in the Zilla Parishad presidential elections. After we made them win, the BJD government didn’t honour the agreement,” convenor of CMAS Nachika Linga had said. Linga, who features in the most wanted list of Odisha police faces as many as 60 cases ranging from murder to waging war against the state. He is currently on the run.

Maoists all set to enter electoral politics

It’s now official. Maoists, for the first time in India, want to debut in electoral politics. They want to field CMAS convenor Nachika Linga from Laxmipur Assembly constituency. Jina Hikaka’s possible resignation from the state Assembly could pave way for Linga to taste his electoral victory. If that happens, it will bring a million dollar trouble for Naveen Patnaik government.

Maoists– A divided a lot

The hostage drama in Odisha has brought out the sharp differences between the two Maoists group -- Andhra Odisha Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC) and Odisha State Organising Committee (OSOC) – operating in the state.

The leaders of AOBSZC don’t see an eye to eye with the secretary of OSOC Sabyasachi Panda. Reports say AOBSZC leaders are hounding for Sabyasachi’s blood and could encounter him at any moment. It is learnt that Panda, who many say is nurturing a political ambition, is desperately looking for a way out for surrender.

But despite fissures among Maoists over their areas of authority and operation, their Red Corridor remains intact.

Dealing with hostage crisis

All the recent hostage crises show that the hostages choose to ignore the standard operating procedures and the Maoists took advantage to it.

I don’t see any justification in negotiating with those who are waging a war against the state. Its time the government makes it clear that there will be no negotiation with hostage takers. National Security Guards (NSG), those who are trained to deal with such situations, could be deployed to deal with hostage crisis.

The centre in tandem with the states should put in place a uniform national policy to deal with the hostage crisis the earliest. If needed, the state should be prepared to lose hostages. But the retaliatory strike should be swift and deadly.

It’s an all out war

Maoists are terrorists. This is non-negotiable. Even if the cries of jholawallah ilk get shriller.

The left ultras are waging a war against the nation. They ruthlessly snuff out the lives of countless men in uniform and civilians to satiate their narrow goal. They mock at the Constitution of India.

It is a fact that successive governments have failed to reach out to the Tribals. But, the red ultras’ claim that they are fighting for the cause --tribal rights is nothing but hogwash. The Maoists terrorize the innocent Tribals for whom they claim to fight for.

It is a matter of fact that the Maoists want no development to take place in the Tribal areas. Why else would they routinely blow up schools and hospitals?

The left ultras are unleashing havoc in as much as 160 districts of eight states. They are expanding their strongholds by cocking a snook at the elected governments.

Maoists seek to destroy our republic, the fabric of our democracy and our rule of law. They are a curse to the society and a scar on the face of humanity. The state must defeat them.

Naveen Patnaik for Prime Minister, really!

Saswat Panigrahi

Politics has an uncanny knack of springing surprises. Did you notice Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik's ‘Third Front’ blabber? In a tone matching new found wisdom, Patnaik went to the media dubbing the Congress-led UPA as ‘discredited’ and ‘corruption ridden’ and BJP-led NDA as ‘communally-tainted’ - thereby justifying the need for a fresh political formulation, maintaining equidistance from the two existing ones.

Patnaik’s statement came amidst the chorus against UPA’s pet project National Counter-Terrorism Centre (NCTC) as non-Congress CMs claimed that it was “a dangerous attempt to destroy the autonomy of the states".

Wild prediction for Naveen

But surprisingly a section of the media projected Patnaik as the new leader on the block and suggested that he could head an upcoming third political alliance. Some imaginations bordered on the wild, predicting Patnaik's pivotal role as the future kingmaker or possibly the king, post 2014 elections.

Well, I know one should not write off anyone in politics. But at the same time the prospect of Patnaik turning out to be the leader of the new front or he becoming the Prime Minister in the process looks outrageous to me at the moment. Having said that let me explain why?

Sample this - Odisha is not the only state to oppose NCTC. There are several states who have opposed any sort of encroachment on the federal structure of our polity. And the list includes BJP CMs too.

Who will go with Naveen?

Patnaik is said to be emerging as the leader of regional political parties on the mere basis of their opposition to NCTC and these include Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Tamil-Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa and former Andhra Pradesh CM N Chandrababu Naidu. Except for Naidu, none of the CMs has said anything on the formation of a third front and the possible leader of such a front.

In an era of coalition politics, the role of regional parties, with the right kind of presence in Lok Sabha, will be important in the next elections. Well, if at all Naveen Patnaik is acceptable as the leader of the regional bloc; the question arises as to who will go with him?

Let us examine possible scenarios. First, the names of players who could make or break the third front - If Mayawati-led BSP joins the Naveen-led bloc, Mulayam Singh-led SP would be automatically excluded. In the fifteenth Lok Sabha, the SP has 22 MPs followed by 21 of BSP, whereas the BJD has 14 MPs. (Remember, Odisha has only 21 Lok Sabha constituencies). The numbers may increase or decrease. But in politics numbers decide the rules of the game.

Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) cannot think about going with Naveen Patnaik (despite both sharing good vibes), because the JD(U) needs BJP to run the government in Bihar and this equation is unlikely to change in 2014. If the possibility of JD(U) joining the Naveen camp does not materialise, then there are two other regional players in Bihar - Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD and Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP - who could join the Naveen bloc. Lalu maintains his proximity with the Congress. For Prasad, who has been enduring ‘political unemployment’ for long, it won’t be a bad idea to jump on to the Naveen bandwagon. Ram Vilas Paswan, better known for party hopping, will be more than happy to join the Naveen bloc, hoping for a berth at the Centre.

AIADMK chief Jayalalithaa, an astute politician, is better known as a ‘NDA bird’. But under compulsions, if she decides to join the supposed Naveen-led third front , her political rival M Karunanidhi and DMK would be excluded and vice versa. In a way, BJD-DMK alliance will look good as both are neck deep in scams.

Now, also look at the possibility of some national players joining Naveen’s camp. Naveen Patnaik shares good relationship with the Communists. After Patnaik left the NDA, just before the 2009 elections, CPI(M) politburo member Sitaram Yechury and CPI general secretary AB Bardhan rushed to Bhubaneswar to ink a poll pact with the BJD. The Communists are giving outside support to the BJD government in Odisha despite opposing Patnaik’s mega-industry plank. The Communists would be more than comfortable in joining the Naveen bloc, but that is under ceteris paribus condition. The Left do not see eye to eye with Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. So if Banarjee joins the Naveen bloc, Communists would be excluded.

Don’t forget that Mamata is a woman for all seasons and can join the block - even at the last minute – if it has the capacity to form government in New Delhi. There could be the possibility of another national party - Sharad Pawar-led NCP – of joining the Naveen-led front. BJD entered into an electoral alliance with the NCP in Odisha during 2009 Assembly elections. The NCP is in coalition with the Congress at the Centre and in Maharashtra. So for instant political benefit, the NCP cannot just risk its relationship with the Congress.

Among the rest of the regional pack, currently out of work TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu could support Naveen. Then there is Ajit Singh-led Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), which Patnaik is likely to welcome to garner some support.

Naveen’s anti-communal bubble

Now comes the question - Will Naveen Patnaik’s ‘anti-communal’ plank cut ice with the people? Remember, the BJD made its political debut with the BJP. And together they ruled Odisha between 2000 and 2009. Even while blasting ‘communal’ BJP, sources indicate that Patnaik has been in constant touch with top saffron leaders for a possible realignment in Odisha and his re-entry to NDA.

Naveen as PM!

While I agree that every citizen with the right kind of support can become the Prime Minister of this country, let’s find out Naveen's chances (as a section of media insists) for the top job.

There is a famous saying – ‘A tree is known by its fruit; a man by his deeds’. Naveen is enjoying the chief ministership for the third term in a row. So what? JB Patnaik was CM of Odisha thrice. Lalu Prasad Yadav ruled Bihar for fifteen-long years. I don’t think winning election is really an index of popularity.

A product of pedigree politics, Naveen achieved political heights overnight. After his father Biju Patnaik’s demise in April 1997, when Janata Dal sought a candidate for Aska Lok Sabha constituency, it was party strategist Bijoy Mohapatra, who brought him from pen to politics. Patnaik retained his father’s citadel with a huge margin, thanks to the sympathy wave blowing in the state in favour of the legendry leader. To cash in on that wave, BJP’s strategist late Pramod Mahajan also met Biju loyalists. They were more than willing to merge the Odisha unit of the Janata Dal with the BJP. But it was Mahajan who proposed the idea to float a party in the name of Biju babu and its alliance with the BJP to bring down the Congress in Odisha, a suggestion the Janata leaders could not but accept.

The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was formed in December 1997 and its alliance with the BJP was forged in February 1998. It is said that all formative support for the BJD was provided by the BJP. Again it was Mohapatra, who proposed Patnaik’s name to lead the party.

Odisha voted en bloc for the BJP-BJD coalition as the state was waiting for a chance to pack-up the ‘corrupt Congress’. Riding on an anti-Congress wave, BJP-BJD coalition swept the state elections and Naveen became the CM.

The first thing he did after becoming the CM was fire his mentor Bijoy Mohapatra - the man who could have been the king himself. Then Naveen withdrew another BJD founder Dilip Ray first from the union cabinet and then axed him from the party.

Friends of Naveen say that he suffers from paranoia. After over a decade-long coalition with the BJP in Odisha, he ditched the saffron party on the eve of the 2009 polls. The decision was ruthless and surprised many.

With a track record of deception and pretence, Patnaik will always be a suspect among his allies willing to form a third front.

Naveen’s image - Anything but clean

Now, let me touch upon the image Patnaik has. He was once credited with a clean image. But his squeaky clean image was blown to pieces once the mining scam broke. As the Pandora's Box opened, it became evident as to how his government had allowed mineral smugglers to plunder Odisha to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crores, giving birth to the biggest scam in independent India’s history. Soon more skeletons tumbled out of the closet.

It was Naveen’s BJD government which illegally allotted as much as 6,000 acre of three-crop agricultural land - including 1,300 acre belonging to Lord Jagannath Temple - for the proposed dubious Vedanta university project in Puri-Konark marine drive. Odisha Lokpal indicted the Patnaik government for illegal land allotment. The biggest land grab scam in independent India was waiting to happen in the state. Thanks to Orissa High Court, the project was shelved. Then Vedanta’s proposed bauxite mining project in Niyamgiri was cancelled, following NC Saxena report. The report indicted the BJD government again.

The saga of corruption in Naveen Patnaik government does not end here. Apart from mining scam and the two Vedanta scams, the BJD government is involved in dal scam, coal scam and rural job scam - the list goes on.

Patnaik government is highly unpopular for its ‘mega industry’ plank. By allowing industries at the cost of livelihood of the people, the BJD government has made industries the beneficiary and the state a looser.

Odisha has not forgotten the Kalinganagar massacre of January 2006, where poor Tribals demanding compensation for their lost land received bullets in return.

From Kalinganagar to Kandhamal, Tribals are being squeezed out of their ancestral land. Patnaik is being branded as anti-famer, anti-poor and anti-tribal.

Recently the state witnessed a hooch tragedy, which claimed 40 lives ahead of the Panchayat polls. Those who died after consuming the toxic ‘election brand’ liquor were the poorest of the poor. But this did not affect the electoral performance of Patnaik’s BJD as the party swept the Panchayat polls, thanks to the poor opposition forces in Odisha.

Patnaik might have won few elections in a row, but I must say that as a CM he has totally failed to address the gap between Odisha’s potential and performance. The people of Odisha are now bored with his perennial ‘central apathy’ rhetoric.

As if Manmohan Singh isn’t enough, do we need another non-performing PM?

Post script: Patnaik is also opposed to the proposed amendment by the Centre of the Railway Protection Force (RPF) Act. He is again being projected as the one leading the attack against the Centre. It should be noted that Naveen’s opposition to RPF Act came days after Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi registered his opposition.

It seems unlikely that a man who could not learn the language of the state he rules will be acceptable by the heavily rooted Nitish Kumar, Jayalalithaa, Mamata Banerjee...

Appeared in my blog ‘The Right Way’ in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/blog/66/blog732.html

Verdict Uttarakhand is full of surprises

Saswat Panigrahi

The seesaw battle in the hilly state of Uttarakhand ended in a photo finish. Finally, the Congress was narrowly ahead of BJP, but still failed to get a simple majority.

The Congress has won 32 seats and BJP won 31 out of the 70 Assembly constituencies. Three seats went in BSP’s kitty and others won 4.

In this case, the picture is still unclear who will form the next government in the state. At this point in time, it looks like government formation is within the grasp of the Congress. Out of the four independents, three are Congress rebels. If Congress manages to win over the independents, the party is still falling sort of one seat. In that case it has to take the support of BSP to stake claim to form the next government. In addition, Uttarakhad has the provision of nominating one MLA from the Anglo-Indian community by the party which forms the government.

But at least the picture is clear – Uttarkhand has voted for a hung Assembly.



This election has thrown up a number of surprises. The biggest surprises came from the BJP. Chief Minister BC Khanduri lost Kotdwar Assembly constituency to SS Negi of the Congress by 4,632 votes, thanks to the sabotage from within the party. Remember Exit polls conducted by five news channels projected Khanduri as the most popular Chief Minister in the poll-bound states. Doesn’t matter. Honest people always find it difficult in politics.

The election outcome has proved all Exit poll predictions wrong. A majority of the Exit polls had shown that Congress has an edge over BJP in Uttarakhand. Out of the five Exit polls, four had predicted that the Congress as the clear winner. Only one Exit poll projected the BJP as the winner. But not a single Exit poll turned out to be true.

But what went wrong for the BJP? Under General Khanduri’s leadership, Uttarakhand enacted two landmark anti-graft legislations – the Lokayukta Bill and the Right to Public Services legislation. Uttarkhand is the first state in the country to bring a strong and effective Lokayukta Bill. But the anti-graft legislations could not converted into desired number of votes to win the Assembly elections.


In this Assembly election, the BJP was not only fighting against Congress, but it was a “fight within” for the saffron party as well. It may look little difficult to decipher, in case of BJP, there was a tough fight between Khanduri’s anti-corruption agenda and Nishank’s corruption saga. And finally it was the Nishank’s corruption saga which was the winner.

It was Khanduri who had led the party to victory in the 2007 Assembly elections and was subsequently chosen as the Chief Minister. However, he was booted out after the party performed poorly in the 2009 general election. Marred with internal dissent, amid the growing ‘Remove Khanduri’ chorus, he quit taking responsibility for the poll debacle.

Ramesh Pokhariyal ‘Nishank’ was inducted as the Chief Minister. But Nishank’s tenure had pushed the saffron party to the wall amid allegations of a series of scams. A couple of months before the Assembly elections, the BJP central leadership replaced Khanduri as Chief Minister in a tearing hurry to salvage the party’s sagging image in the state.

Khanduri tried to clean up the mess done by his predecessor. After taking over as the Chief Minister for the second time, Khanduri had done enough for BJP to bring it back in a fighting mode. Thanks to Khanduri, the BJP managed to salvage its prestige by giving a tough fight to Congress. But that did not work to the hilt of winning the election.

It is the BJP which needs to be blamed for its own defeat. It was wrong to remove Khanduri as the Chief Minister in the first place. Second, it was a blunder to induct Nishank as Chief Minister. Third, it was too late to re-induct Khanduri. It was the dithering attitude of the BJP central leadership which proved to be a bane for the saffron party. The saffron party has to do a lot of atma chintan (introspection).

But why did Congress manage a water-thin edge over the BJP? Can the anti-corruption babble against Nishank regime be attributed for making Congress the single largest party? Don’t forget that as a matter of fact, as many as 70 scams from the ND Tiwari rule are still haunting the Congress. Or it is the internal squabbling in the state BJP which indirectly benefited the Congress?

-- Appeared in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/state-elections-2012/uttarakhand/verdict-uttarakhand-is-full-of-surprises_762491.html

Will Khanduri prove poll pundits wrong?

Saswat Panigrahi

A majority of the exit polls conducted by various television news channels show that Congress has an edge over BJP in Uttarakhand. Out of the five exit polls, four have predicted that the BJP could win between 22 to 30 seats in the Uttarakhand Assembly elections. Only one exit poll projected the saffron party as the winner, predicting 39 seats for it.

If the result goes the majority way, it will be a huge setback for the saffron party.

But how was BJP placed in the last elections? Let’s flip through some quick electoral statistics.

Uttarakhand has 70 Assembly constituencies. The state has witnessed two Assembly elections so far. In the 2007 Assembly elections, the BJP won 36 seats, whereas its main opponent Congress managed to win 21, thanks to the ant-incumbency factor against the ND Tiwari-led Congress government. In the 2002 Assembly elections, BJP had won 19 seats and Congress 36. The BJP had lost power because of the anti-incumbency against Bhagat Singh Koshiyari-led interim government.

Uttarakhand has voted out incumbent governments in the two Assembly elections is has had so far.

But this time there was widespread speculation that General BC Khanduri would scrape through despite anti-incumbency. Many said it was a battle, not so tough for General Khanduri.

It was Khanduri who had led the party to victory in 2007 elections and was subsequently chosen as the Chief Minister. However, he was booted out after the party performed poorly in the 2009 general election (the BJP had lost all five Lok Sabha seats to Congress). Marred with internal dissent, amid the growing ‘Remove Khanduri’ chorus, he quit taking responsibility for the poll debacle. Ramesh Pokhariyal ‘Nishank’ was inducted as the Chief Minister. But Nishank’s tenure had pushed the saffron party to the wall amid allegations of a series of scams. A couple of months before the Assembly elections, the BJP central leadership replaced Khanduri as Chief Minister in a tearing hurry to salvage the party’s sagging image in the state.

Khanduri tried to clean up the mess done by his predecessor and put BJP back in a fighting mode. Within two months of taking over as the Chief Minister for the second time, he enacted two landmark anti-graft legislations – the Lokayukta Bill and the Right to Public Services legislation. The BJP tried to cash in on the “clean image” of Khanduri to sail through the Assembly elections.

With Khanduri back in the saddle, BJP made fight against corruption a major poll plank in this election. But the corruption from Nishank’s tenure was also haunting the BJP in the polls.

The reality was that in this Assembly election, the BJP was not only fighting against Congress, but it was a “fight within” as well.

There were two factors -- Khanduri’s anti-corruption agenda and Nishank’s corruption -- which had to decide BJP’s fate in Uttarakhand.

Congress’ anti-corruption babble against BJP won’t be much of a factor. As a matter of fact, as many as 70 scams from the ND Tiwari rule are still haunting the Congress.

So, will Khanduri’s anti-corruption agenda win over Nishank’s corruption saga? And if that happens, General Khanduri will certainly prove the poll pundits wrong. So wait for March 06 for the final verdict. And if it goes the other way it is the BJP which needs to be blamed.

-- Appeared in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/state-elections-2012/uttarakhand/will-khanduri-prove-poll-pundits-wrong_762133.html

‘We all have candidates from criminal background’

It is said that the road to Delhi goes through Uttar Pradesh. In the upcoming Assembly elections, the Bhartiya Janata Party has high hopes from the politically crucial state. Saswat Panigrahi of Zeenews.com caught up with BJP leader Siddharth Nath Singh, who is on a campaign trail in the state.

Saswat: It is Ram Rajya, not Ram mandir – the BJP’s campaign theme in Uttar Pradesh elections this time?

Siddharth: BJP in any election has not used Ram mandir for political benefits. It has never been an election campaign. It was part of a movement by a large section of the Hindus in the country who felt oppressed because of the reverse discrimination policy being followed by the pseudo secular government. Ram temple movement was towards that awakening.

But, as far as Ram Rajya is concerned, it is the most appropriate method of governance. Therefore the BJP believes in Ram Rajya, because it empowers everybody, it brings social justice and at the same time it brings transparency. This also means development of all sections of society irrespective of caste, creed and religion.

Saswat: What are the key issues with which the party is going to the polls in UP?

Siddharth: For the first time BJP or any political party for that matter has given a vision for Uttar Pradesh, called ‘Vision 2020’.

Our vision is of development. The template is very clear. We are talking about infrastructure, education, agriculture and healthcare. We are committed to these with a track record which exists in the states governed by us.

For example, if we say that we will give 24/7 electricity to UP, we are sure that we will do it because there is a scheme under which the Gujarat government has given 24/7 electricity to the entire state. If we have spoken about the empowerment of women or girls then we have a scheme pertaining to the same in Madhya Pradesh. If we have said that the allotted rice or wheat will duly reach the BPL families, then there has to be a good Public Distribution System for the same. There is a model of PDS which exists in Chhattisgarh. If we have said that law and order can be improved in UP, we are talking on the basis of what we have done in Bihar.

We have a track record which no other political party has. I am happy that in competition with us, the Congress has also decided to bring their vision. But there are sharp contrasts. And there is no vision of SP and BSP.

Saswat: Would you like to comment on the present state of affairs in UP?

Siddharth: Truly speaking there is no governance in Uttar Pradesh. There is an administrative dictatorship which is going on. Mayawati was voted in 2007 with the hope of bringing law and order in the state. As there was jungle raj under the Samajwadi Party regime, there was a certain expectation from her. Unfortunately she did nothing except induct the same goondas and hooligans in her party and make them ministers. And on the eve of the Assembly elections, she has thrown some of them away from the party to project a clean image.

Under Mayawati’s rule there is complete lawlessness in the state. It is the worst state when it comes to the security of women. We all know how minors were tortured and raped inside police stations and no FIR was registered. There is no development of infrastructure in the state. And if any development at all, it is confined to Lucknow or Noida, which smacks of corruption.

Saswat: Is the BJP really in the pole position?

Siddharth: This time it is the voters’ choice. The question BJP would like to put in front of the voters is – What do you want UP to be and what is it that you are looking for? With this question being put forth, the voters will have no choice but to look at the BJP. Therefore, I am very confident that we are going to form the government in UP.

Saswat: In case of a hung Assembly will the BJP align with the BSP or SP?

Siddharth: There is a saying in English – ‘Once bitten, twice shy’. With the BSP we have had a coalition thrice. So we are many times shy on that front. And there is no way we will partner with the SP. Our party will prefer to sit in the opposition.

Saswat: What is your take on Congress’ promise of sub-quota for minorities from the existing 27% OBC quota?

Siddharth: It is a religion-based reservation and it has nothing to do with Muslim empowerment. It is basically vote bank politics.

What we are opposing is that there is a constitutional provision of 27% reservations for the backward community. It has nothing to do with any religion. People belonging to the minorities are covered under the OBC category. There are 55 Muslim communities presently covered under the ambit of OBC.

The Congress carving out 4 ½ % for minorities from the existing 27 % of OBC reservation and the SP talking about 18 per cent is highly unconstitutional. This communal agenda is going to divide the society and create frictions within the people of India.

We have stated that the UPA government’s sub-quota announcement is nothing but a poll gimmick. The Election Commission’s order to defer the minority quota further vindicates our stand. The EC has very rightly taken into account the fact that the decision on sub-quota was announced by the UPA government just two days before the model code came into force.

Saswat: Would you like to comment on Mulayam Singh Yadav’s sop promise for rape victims?

Siddharth: It is very irresponsible, highly objectionable and condemnable. What Mulayam Singh has said is that you get raped and we will pay you if we are in the government.

Saswat: Has the Babu Singh Kushwaha fiasco dented the BJP’s image?

Siddharth: Truly speaking it has not. But yes, there was a lot of talk around it. Nonetheless, it is more of a media and Opposition creation. There was no FIR when Babu Singh Kushwaha joined the BJP. And within 24 hours of his joining the party, a CBI raid was conducted at his residence and a FIR was registered against him. This smacks of political vendetta and there was a motive behind it. Now Babu Singh Kushwaha is not a part of the party. The party has suspended his membership. So the chapter is closed.

Saswat: But he is campaigning for the party.

Siddharth: He is not campaigning for the party. He is campaigning against the religious reservation of 4.5 %. He is telling the backward community of UP, “They are going to take away your right. And the only party which is supporting our cause is the BJP and it is the right party to vote for.”

Saswat: But, what prompted the party - which raises strong voice against corruption - to induct a NRHM scam accused?

Siddharth: Please look into the CBI chargesheet on the NRHM scam. There are few things which must be noted. One, in the NRHM scam, there were two CMO deaths apart from one deputy CMO, and recently, a project manager.

CBI under the Allahabad High Court is still continuing with the investigation. And the CBI’s reply to the HC says that one of the CMO Dr VK Arya – an honest, upright officer – brought in by nobody but Kushwaha was murdered by Deputy CMO Dr YS Sachan. Therefore, Dr Sachan was sent to jail. That was one link. The second is that Dr Sachan who was accused by the CBI for hiring killers to kill two CMOs was found dead under mysterious circumstances in a Lucknow jail. CBI said that it was a case of suicide and not a planned murder.

But the reality is that the CBI is a tool of the Congress and Mayawati is an insurance cover for the Congress. Therefore both used the CBI to give a cover up story for Dr Sachan.

That is precisely the reason why the full truth has not come out. So there is a background to it. There should be a fair trial to the case under the High Court or Supreme Court and an impartial inquiry by the CBI must take palce. If Kushwaha is guilty or if anybody is guilty, let the law of the land take its own course.

Saswat: Interestingly Kushwaha’s induction was made just three days after the party’s national secretary Kirti Somaiya produced a documentary evidence on the NRHM scam to the CBI, indicting Kushwaha.

Siddharth: It is a fact that regarding the NRHM scam we have given a list of names of politicians and bureaucrats who were at the helm of affairs to the CBI. One of them was Kushwaha. There was another minister whose reference was there. Moreover, Chief Minister Mayawati was also included in that list. So, why is selective action being taken against Khuswaha and not against others? Why is the CM not being investigated?

Saswat: It is said that Kushwaha’s route into the BJP was paved by party vice-president Vinay Katiyar.

Siddharth: Unlike the Congress or SP or BSP, in our party there is no single authority. Whatever decision we take, we take it collectively. That’s why it was a collective decision of the party.

Saswat: Well, it is not only Kushwaha. I have a long list of tainted names that the BJP has inducted and also given tickets to - Bhadshah Singh, Daddan Mishra, Chhatrapal Singh and Sacchidanand Hari Sakshi Maharaj.

Siddharth: There is something called the law of the land. If there are criminal proceedings, the court needs to convict them. As per the guidelines of the Election Commission, an individual is allowed to contest elections if not convicted by the court of law. That stands not only for the BJP but for all political parties.

All of us have candidates from criminal background. The SP has the highest number of such candidates, followed by the BSP, Congress and then the BJP. But the law of the land has to decide. As the law of the land exists today, Election Commission does allow people who have not been convicted to contest election.

Saswat: Congress spokesman Rashid Alvi said that the BJP veteran LK Advani took out his Jan Chetna yatra probably in search of those people.

Siddharth: Mr Rasid Alvi must be reminded of the recent Supreme Court judgement on the 2G scam. It is a tight slap on the functioning of the government. So he should remember that, instead of commenting on Advaniji’s Jan Chetna yatra.

Saswat: By inducting candidates thrown out by other parties, the BJP in Uttar Pradesh has been accused of turning into a dustbin. The accusation comes from some Congress members.

Siddharth: I am sorry. The Congress has the highest number of candidates coming from other parties. Digvijay Singh, the Congress general secretary and party in-charge of Uttar Pradesh has admitted that they have taken 40 per cent candidates from other parties – because their ability to win is the criteria.

Let me put the record straight. Out of all the candidates we have taken from other parties, majority were earlier in the BJP. They had gone to SP or BSP but their original root was the BJP. Now they have come back.

Saswat: BJP is using Sadhvi Uma Bharti as a trump card. Will it work?

Siddharth: Well, I am more than confident that it will work to the BJP’s advantage.

-- Appeared in Zeenews.com
http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/we-all-have-candidates-from-criminal-background_757548.html

Will lotus bloom again in Uttarakhand?

Saswat Panigrahi

Of the five states going for polls, Uttarakhand is no less interesting. Though a dozen of political parties are in the poll fray, the big fight, expectedly, will be between the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress.

Uttarakhand has voted out incumbent governments in all the Assembly elections held ever since it was carved out of Uttar Pradesh. Will 2012 see a break in the trend?

Pushed to the wall over allegations of massive corruption under Ramesh Pokhariyal ‘Nishank’, the BJP had to replace him with General BC Khanduri. But, can BJP under Khanduri scrape through despite anti-incumbency? Or will the Congress manage to dislodge BJP?

The key issues on which the election would be fought and the result to be decided will answer these questions.

The Khanduri factor

Understanding the popular resentment against the ‘corrupt’ Pokhariyal regime, the BJP turned to its trusted soldier BC Khanduri. Known as ‘Mr Clean’, Khanduri has a huge task at hand in reinvigorating the party cadre and salvaging the party’s sagging image in the state.

It was Khanduri who had led the party to victory in the 2007 Assembly elections and was subsequently chosen as the Chief Minister. However, he was booted out after the party performed poorly in the 2009 general election. Marred with internal dissent, amid the growing ‘Remove Khanduri’ chorus, he quit taking responsibility for the poll debacle.

Now back in the saddle, Khanduri has been proactive in trying to win the battle of perception. Not shying away from taking solid steps, Khanduri enacted two landmark anti-graft bills.

Lokayukta Bill

Mirroring the version of the anti-graft bill pushed by Gandhian Anna Hazare, Uttarakhand Lokayukta Bill, 2011 brings all ministers, including the Chief Minister, the MLAs and the government servants including IAS and IPS officers under its ambit. The bill also aims to bring the lower judiciary under its ambit.

BJP is making the passage of Lokayukta Bill a major poll plank and hopes to reap rich electoral dividends.

Right to Public Services legislation: Besides Lokayukta, Khanduri government has also enacted Right to Public Services legislation, which guarantees time-bound delivery of public services to citizens. The legislation provides mechanism for punishing errant public servants, deficient in providing the services as stipulated under the statute. The legislation is meant to reduce corruption among the government officials and aims at bringing transparency and accountability in public services.

Assets declaration: In a bid to bring more transparency, CM BC Khanduri has asked his cabinet colleagues and top bureaucrats in the state to voluntarily declare assets.

Now that the BJP central leadership has again reposed faith in him, as party leaders say “Khanduri hai zaroori” but it remains to be seen whether his clean image would be enough to clean the taint on the saffron flag.

Scams from Nishank tenure haunt BJP

The tenure of Nishank as Chief Minister was riddled with a series of scams. The ghosts of the scams are still haunting the BJP, making the saffron party uncomfortable.

Illegal mining: Nishank’s government was accused of turning a blind eye to rampant illegal river bed sand mining and unscrupulous quarrying mafia in the state, particularly in Haridwar district. Not to forget Swami Nigamananda Saraswati, the 34-year old monk, who fasted to death to save the Ganges from illegal mining.

Land scam: The former chief minister came under scanner for allegedly changing the land use of 15-acre industrial plot worth Rs.400 crore. The land was reportedly handed over to a real estate developer, close to the ruling BJP for a paltry Rs.13 crore.

Power scam: Irregularities were allegedly carried out in the bidding process of hydroelectric power projects, causing huge loss to the state exchequer.

Other scams: In addition, there are alleged irregularities in Chief Minister discretionary fund, government appointment and financial bungling in organizing Mahakumbh mela.

Slur from ND Tiwari era still haunts Cong

It is not only the BJP which is facing allegations of a series of scams. Scams from previous Congress regime -- between 2002 and 2007 -- led by ND Tiwari are also haunting the Congress.

BC Khanduri government in 2007, conducted a probe into the scams. The probe panel has already completed its inquiry into 60 out of the 68 scams and found irregularities in 17 cases.

The scams include those related to financial irregularities in agriculture, irrigation and forest departments, among others.

Congress’ ‘M-D’ formula

The Congress had successfully nurtured Muslim-Dalit votes during 2009 general elections with the part winning all Lok Sabha seats from the state.

With Yashpal Arya having been re-nominated as the PCC president, it is clear that the party high command does not want to disturb the ‘winning formula’. But the moot question is that whether the formula will work for Congress this time?

Congress insiders say the party is hoping that the combine will help it sail through again.

-- Appeared in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/state-elections-2012/uttarakhand/issues.html