The other side of the Kandhamal story: Tribals disinherited

Christian missionaries are instigating Panas against Kandhas who are being squeezed out of their ancestral land in this Orissa district writes Saswat Panigrahi

Battered and bruised by simmering caste and communal hostility, Kandhamal's agony is endless. Scuffled with poverty and illiteracy, the southern Orissa district continues to make headlines for rampant religious conversions and communal rupture.

Contrary to the widespread media reports blaming the Hindu organisations for the hostility, a look into the past would reveal that it is some Christian missionaries who in the name of social work have created religious conflict.

Kandhamal has two major inhabitants -- Kandhas who are STs and constitute 52 per cent of the district total population and Panas, who belong to the SC community and are 19 per cent of the population.

Over the years, a majority of the Panas were converted to Christianity, leading to an increase in the Christian population of the district from a mere 19,128 in 1951 to 1,17,950 in 2001. Of the total Christian population in the district, 60 per cent are converted Panas.

However, the Kandhas have a history of vociferous resistance for the forceful religious conversion by missionary forces -- during both the French and British colonialism. These resistances resulted in Kandha Meli (Kandha Movement), a revolution that lived from 1753 to 1846. The French colonialism succumbed to the movement in 1759 but the tentacles of conversion came back to the area with the advent of the British. Their efforts to convert the Kandhas to Christianity witnessed stiff resistance. TW Kawe, the administrator of the East India Company, in his report admitted: "The missionary activities all over the estate alarmed the people about the impending danger to their religion and civilisation, and subsequently they took to arms to defend their faith and culture."

The British left India, but the designs of conversion remained. Following the footprints of the British colonialists, Christian missionaries are today spearheading the rampant conversion.

Since long, Kandhas and Panas have been divided ethnically. Even on the grounds of reservation, STs continue to enjoy the benefits of reservation after conversion to other religions, but SCs cease to belong to any caste and hence are legally treated as general category.

The central scheduled tribe list, amended in the early 1990s, included the Kui community in the ST category. Sensing the benefit from both reservation as well as sops doled out by missionaries, a sizable number of Pana Christians, those who speak Kui language and who have lost their SC tag after conversion, wanted it back by circumventing the provision of the Indian Constitution which categorically refuses reservation along linguistic lines. This was vehemently opposed by the Kandhas.

The rift widened further after the change in the reservation status of Kandhamal Lok Sabha constituency and its three Assembly constituencies by the Delimitation Commission. Illegal encroachment of land by a section of Panas which originally belonged to the Kandhas further added to the problem. As per the Land Regulations Act of the State, no non-ST can buy or take possession of land from a tribal owner.

Christian missionaries take advantage of this by instigating the Panas against the Kandhas and inciting anti-Hindu sentiments. The violence in Kandhamal following the killing of VHP veteran Swami Laxmananda Saraswati is the result of such communal polarisation.

Though the Maoists claimed to have killed Laxamananda, its leader Sabyasachi Panda's claim that most Maoist cadres in Orissa are Christians only points to a deeper missionary-Maoist nexus.

-- Published in Op-Ed page of The Pioneer on November 11, 2008

A life dedicated to the poor

Saswat Panigrahi

Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati worked for tribal welfare

The killing of veteran VHP leader Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati along with four of his associates at Jaleshpata ashram in Orissa's Kandhamal district on the eve of Janmashtami outlines an abysmal administrative failure to protect a social reformer from the tentacles of terrorism.

This was not the first time that he faced a threat to his life. In December 2007, Laxmanananda sustained serious injuries in a violent attack at Daringbadi, which is the centre of missionary activities in Orissa's Kandhamal district. The attack was allegedly masterminded by a Congress Rajya Sabha MP and the chief of the missionary organisation, World Vision, Mr Radhakant Nayak. Following the attack, there several complaints were registered to enhance the swami's security, but they all fell on deaf ears. However, the Jaleshpata ashram was provided with one police constable and two guards for Laxmanananda's security.

Within hours after the killing, State Director-General of Police Gopal Nanda, without waiting for a full inquiry, promptly made a statement that Maoists were behind the incident. But the Hindu Jagaran Samukshya, an RSS organisation, told this writer that the killing was planned and executed by missionaries.Mr Ashok Sahu, president of HJS's Orissa unit and former Assam Additional Director-General of Police, said, "The conspiracy to kill Laxmanananda was hatched in a meeting convened by Christian missionaries at Raikia Community Centre on August 9. A former MP was among those who attended the meeting."

On August 13, a threatening letter was circulated to the district and State authorities, a copy of which was forwarded to Laxmanananda. On August 22, he appealed to the District Magistrate of Kandhamal to enhance his personal security. The next morning, the news that his life was under threat, was flashed by the local media. In the evening he was killed along with four of his associates during a spiritual discourse.

"Never have fear of death when you are working for the cause of the motherland." These were the last words of Laxmanananda to one of his disciples.

The 84-year-old monk has laid down his life for the cause of the poor. Born in 1924 in Anugul, Orissa, Laxmanananda left home and went to Rishikesh to practice sadhna in the caves of the Himalayas for nine-long-years.

In 1966, he joined the Goraksha Andolan (anti-cow slaughter movement). It was in those days that he came in close contacts with MS Golwalkar, the then sarsanghchalak of the RSS. Golwalkar once told him, "Swamiji, cannot you hear the call of Bharat Mata and Gomata?" These words inspired him to dedicate his life to the service of the poor and the marginalised.

In 1967, Laxmanananda returned to his home State and spearheaded the Goraksha Andolan. Meanwhile, the Sangh requested him to go to Kandhamal (then a part of the erstwhile Boudh-Kandhamal district) to serve the poor tribals and to combat rampant conversion by the Christian missionaries.

For the last four decades Laxmanananda was relentless in his struggle for the cause of Kandhas, the tribals of Kandhamal.

Laxmananda sacrificed his life to render service to the poor and crafted a template for social reformation. His demise has created a void in the field of selfless social service.

-- Published in Oped page of The Pioneer on September 5, 2008

Fissures in the Left

With the RSP calling the CPI(M) China's 'agent', Communist unity remains elusive, writes Saswat Panigrahi

Fissures in the Left parties are widening with the Revolutionary Socialist Party leading a dissidence against the CPI(M)-led Left-front. The party has criticised the CPI(M) for Nandigram and Singur. It has refused to toe the CPI(M) line on the issue of SEZs. The intra-Left dispute became more apparent in the recent panchayat elections in West Bengal, in which the CPI(M)-RSP rift reached at a point of no return. The party has even started branding the Marxists as "China agents".

Today, the RSP is working towards the formation of an alternative Left Front, which may even include the anti-national forces like Maoists. However, while flipping through the pre-independence history, one must find how the evolution of the party traversed through some notable nationalist movements.

Founded in March 19, 1940, the party has its roots in the Bengali liberation movement Anushilan Samiti and the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army -- an era in which Hindutva, cultural nationalism and socialism had a rare blend to reach at the focal point of revolution against the British Raj.

Emerged as an offshoot of the Anushilan Samiti, the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA), known as the Hindustan Republican Association until 1928, was led by Bhagat Singh, Yogendra Shukla and Chandrasekar Azad. It was one of first socialist organisations in India and was inspired by the Russian Revolution of 1917. An oft-quoted slogan -- Inquilab Zindabad (Long Live Revolution) -- was popularised in the activities of the organisation.

The Anushilan Samiti -- meaning to follow the teachings of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee was the principal revolutionary organisation operating in Bengal in the early-20th century. The association was established in Kolkata by Barrister Pramatha Nath Mitra in 1902. Sri Aurobindo, Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das, Jatindra Nath Banerjee, Jatindra Nath Mukherjee (Bagha Jatin), etc, were its initial leaders. It was in their philosophies and thoughts that the vocabularies of revolutionary ideas were rooted.

A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist-Leninist literature, while serving long jail sentences. A minority section, adhering to the ideology of Communist International broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the Communist Consolidation, and later the Communist Party of India (CPI), which got divided in the post-independence period, hence bringing birth the CPI(M). The core section of the Anushilan Marxists, however, adopted Marxist-Leninist thinking. They later joined the Congress Socialist Party (CSP), formed by some Left-wing elements within the Congress to which the CPI branded as "social fascist". And these core believers of Anushilan Marxism formed the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), which evolved into the Revolution Socialist Party (RSP).

It was the Anushilan Marxism, which termed the dogmatic political lines adopted by the Comintern Congress of Communist International held in 1928 as "ultra-Left sectarian". The Comintern Congress called upon the Communists to combat the "national-reformist leaders" and to "unmask national reformism". The Anushilan Marxists termed it as a betrayal of the internationalist character of the Comintern -- which acted as an agency of Soviet foreign policy. This speaks volumes that in the belief that Anushilan Marxists, socialism and nationalism went side by side.

Those were the chapters from the History. At present, RSP is a small Left party. Now, it no more subscribes to the ideals of Anushilan Marxism. And in a bid to make its presence felt in the political glossary of the country, the party has taken the 'onerous task' of 'saving' Indian Socialism by joining terror elements like Maoists. But the moot question is: Will the RSP succeed in carving a parallel Left Front?

-- Published in Oped page of The Pioneer on June 18 2008

Depriving States of their riches

The National Mineral Policy does gross injustice to mineral-rich States, explains Saswat Panigrahi

The National Mineral Policy, 2008, which was recently tabled in the Rajya Sabha, has violated the interests of the five mineral-rich States -- Orissa, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand. These States do not have a mining policy of their own. They regulate their mining industries in concurrence with the Centre.

The concept of stand-alone mining, as stated in the NMP 2008, does not put emphasis on value addition within the State, thereby limiting its role in attracting investments. It has also reduced the scope for generation of employment opportunities and fetch of revenue for the State.

Going ahead with the Hoda Committee recommendations, the policy has suggested seamless transition from reconnaissance permit to prospecting licence and further to mining lease for bulk minerals, which would deny the State an opportunity to promote mineral-based industry within its boundary. Moreover, the policy has no provision for phasing out export of minerals and allowing captive mining for industries located within the mineral-based State. The policy also arrests the State's right to select the best applicants. In addition, it also usurps their security of tenure.

The National Mineral Policy assumes greater significance in view of its relevance in promoting the economy of the State where mineral activities are seen as a succour to hundreds of thousands of families.

Orissa, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand -- where agriculture is in a moribund condition -- are virtually eying to cash in on their mineral deposits. But these States have repeatedly been deprived from getting their due from the Centre on their mineral resources during the tenure of UPA Government. The States cannot even bargain on the royalty and export duty of various minerals provided by the Centre. Their share is merely confined to the current tonnage and quality based royalty, which are paying these States meagrely.

Orissa can be a case in point. It occupies a prominent place in the country's mineral map for its abundant mineral reserves. With 24.8 per cent of India's coal reserves, 32.95 per cent of iron ore, 59.95 per cent of bauxite deposits, 98.4 per cent of chromite and 67.6 per cent of manganese, Orissa can be named as the "mineral State" of the country. But the Centre is depriving it from gaining access to its fundamental mineral right. The State has been losing hundreds of crores of revenue due to the delay in revision of royalty on minerals by the Union Government. And the National Mineral Policy is yet another step to affect the economy of the State.

Orissa's Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik sees foreign hand behind the national mineral policy. "It seems to be heavily influenced by the international mining lobby which has recently earned huge profit due to favourable market conditions," Mr Patnaik said in the floor of the Assembly.

On the contrary, the Centre claims that the National Mineral Policy will attract investment to the tune of $250 million annually in the next five years. The policy harps on Foreign Direct Investment, which is its focal point. But the stark reality is that the over-emphasis on attracting FDI in mining will result in a situation where few multinational mining companies will bend upon the vast mineral resources of the country, which are essentially meant for the domestic consumption.

Mineral is a finite resource. It cannot be exported just for earning foreign resources. But the NMP speaks the other way round.

By depriving the States from getting their share from their own natural resources, the Congress-led UPA Government is playing politics over the wealth of the States and the nation as well. The move smacks of appeasing the foreign investors. By ignoring the States' concern, the policy violates the federal structure of the Constitution.

Ironically, the policy has been approved in principle by the Union Cabinet without addressing the concerns of the Chief Ministers of the mineral-rich States. The Centre's repeated negligence has disappointed the people, creating discontent among them. The dissonance is creating a louder din. The UPA Government will pay for it in the next general election, say political observers.

-- Published in the Oped page of The Pioneer on May 30, 2008

Detect, deport Bangladeshis

Saswat Panigrahi

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs has noted that the presence of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants poses a grave threat to the nation's internal security. This has, once again, brought the issue of illegal immigration from Bangladesh to the fore.

Illegal immigration from Bangladesh into Assam and West Bengal, apart from other border States in the North-East, has been going on since the days when that country was known as East Pakistan. Bangladeshi immigrants are not only confined to these States alone. Their numbers have been recorded at 5.4 million in West Bengal, four million in Assam, 0.5 million in Bihar, 1.5 million in Delhi, 0.8 million in Tripura, 0.5 million in Rajasthan and 0.5 million in Maharashtra. Most of them have been able to secure ration cards, driving licences, voter identity cards and even PAN cards, thanks to vote-bank politics and minority appeasement.

With the population of Bangladeshi immigrants increasing, the crime rate of the country has shown an upward trend. According to media reports, robberies in Kolkata are by and large committed by Bangladeshis. In Purnea, Katihar, Araria and Kishenganj districts of Bihar, they indulge in smuggling and other mafia activities. In Punjab, they are active in organ trade rackets.

More dangerously, Bangladeshi immigrants have links with several terrorist outfits operating within and outside the country. Intelligence agencies have repeatedly pointed out how some terrorist groups have been recruiting Bangladeshis to spread mayhem in India. The Parliamentary Standing Committee has also cited this fact.

The presence of Bangladeshis is slowly draining the resources of the country, besides posing a grave threat to its demographic structure. At least 90 per cent of the total encroached forest land in Assam is found to be under the control of Bangladeshi immigrants. They are present in substantial numbers in as many as 50 of Assam's 126 Assembly constituencies. The report submitted by Lt Gen SK Sinha, the then Governor of Assam, stated: "Large-scale illegal immigration from Bangladesh over decades has been altering the demographic complexion of Assam."

This is not a humanitarian issue but related to India's security and demographic stability. Sadly, successive Governments have shown little interest in finding a solution to this problem.

-- Published in the Edit page, The Pioneer, April 28, 2008

Union budget painted with communal colour

Saswat Panigrahi

Playing a communal card, Finance Minister P Chidambaram has doubled the allocation of the Ministry of minority affairs from Rs 500 crore in 2007-08 to Rs 1,000 crore in 2008-09. It’s the only department to register a 100 per cent increase in allocation of funds. Moving ahead with UPA’s commitment to speedy implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendation, the Union Budget 2008-09 has announced drawing up of a multi-sectoral development plan exclusively for each of the 90 minority concentration districts, which will cost the national exchequer a whopping Rs 3,780 crore.

More over, a pre-metric scholarship scheme has been announced exclusively for the minority – by allocating as much as Rs 80 crore from next year. Another Rs 45.45 crore has been approved for modernising of madarsa education from the next fiscal. The UPA Government has also decided to recruit more candidates belonging to the minority communities to the Central para-military forces in the coming fiscal.

The overtone of communal appeasement reminds me PM Manmohan Singh’s ‘Muslim first’ assertion. While addressing the national development council meeting last year, PM said, "We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first claim on resources."

And as the Finance Minister P Chidambaram has rightly emulated PM’s assertion -- by allocating benefits on religion lines -- hence adding to yet another chapter of UPA’s communal appeasement.

It is indeed pertinent to mention here that UPA in a crude attempt at Muslim appeasement formed Sachar Committee. In the pretext of going into the social, economic and educational status of Muslims, the notorious report of the committee by its very genesis has been exposed of disseminating such irresponsible propaganda.

This is a fact that a vast section of Muslims are reeling from poverty. Election comes and goes. Nurturing vote bank politics Congress rides to power. And for the congress party the plight of the indigent Muslims never cease to make the rounds. As soon as the poll ends, it put in the cold storage to be used in the future election.

Being busy in polarizing votes in a poll hue the UPA has forgotten the truth that there are crores of people in the country living in miserable conditions. The first claim on resources should be of those section.

These poverty stricken people can't be divided in communal lines for the shake of votes. Muslim's issue can't be excluded from the development process. And by separating Muslim issue from the rest UPA has nurtured a communal divide. By promoting one community over another, the UPA Government incites communal sentiments, which distorts the national spirit.

-- Published in msn.co.in on March 14, 2008

Why do they hate her so?

Saswat Panigrahi

Driven out of West Bengal after Left Front chairman Biman Bose indirectly declared her as persona non grata -- "if Ms Taslima Nasreen's stay disturbs the atmosphere of peace in the State, she must leave," Mr Bose had said -- the dissident Bangladeshi writer has already spent three weeks in virtual house arrest in an undisclosed place in Delhi.

It's not only the Left Front Government of West Bengal that bowed before violent Islamic fundamentalists on the rampage in Kolkata, the UPA Government hasn't shown any spine to stand beside the beleaguered woman either -- both eyeing the Muslim vote-bank. A stoic Congress-led Government at the Centre has said it is ready to provide shelter to Ms Nasreen, but expects the writer to refrain from activities and expressions that may "hurt the sentiments of the people".

"Those given shelter in India have always undertaken to eschew political activities in India or any actions which may harm India's relations with friendly countries. It is also expected that the guests will refrain from activities and expressions that may hurt the sentiments of our people." This statement read in Parliament by External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, in an oblique reference to Ms Nasreen, smacks of appeasement of the fundamentalist forces.

If Ms Nasreen's prospect of returning to her home country Bangladesh is remote, her chances of returning to Kolkata in the milieu of her linguistic community of Bengalis are dim. This, despite her decision to delete three 'objectionable' pages from her autobiography Dwikhandita. For the first time in the country, a famous woman writer has been disgraced due to vote-bank politics. In doing so, pseudo-secularist Union and State Governments have suavely brushed aside the Indian philosophy of "atithi dewo bhawa" (a guest is godly). This is a dishonour to the Indian culture as well.

A woman is being disrespected by two 'secular' fundamentalist Governments that have, on another front, failed to deport Bangladeshi infiltrators who pose a serious threat to national security. Come election, these political parties shamelessly compete with each other for a bigger share of the illegal immigrants' vote-bank pie.

A defenceless woman, who showed rare courage to speak out against growing Islamic fundamentalism, has come in the way of the UPA and Left Front Government's greed for votes.

-- Published in the Edit page of The Pioneer on December 23, 2007

Stars are witness to Lord Ram

Saswat Panigrahi

By denying the authenticity of the Ramayan, the 'secularists' have not only hurt Hindu sentiments, but also rebuffed history. They have questioned the existence of an icon of Hinduism whose exploits have been woven into the epic by Valmiki whose account can be corroborated from other sources.

The method of time measurement on the basis of the movement of the Sun and other planets of the universe, in vogue in the ancient period, were recorded by the scholars of that era. When we flip through the pages of the Ramayan, astronomical references to the datelines related to the life and times of Lord Ram are found. Valmiki mentions the location of planets vis-?-vis the zodiac signs, on the basis of which it can be concluded that Ramayan is a true story.

A large number of places replete with historic and scientific evidence bear testimony to the events of the epic. Ram Setu is a bridge that connected Rameshwaram to Sri Lanka. The vaanar sena constructed the bridge to reach the island in order to rescue Lord Ram's abducted wife Sita from Ravan.

The unique historical incident is also backed by evidence brought out by the Department of Earth Sciences of India. A report dated March 2007 states that near Rameshwaram, the 'teri' formation supported a rich compilation of mesolithic and microlithic matters, which is evidence of human activity in these areas as early as 8,000 to 9,000 years ago and as recent as 4,000 years ago.

Ramayan is a part of that history which talks about the culture not only of our country, but also Sri Lanka, Nepal, Indonesia, Thailand, Bali, Philippines, Cambodia and Myanmar. But political fundamentalists like Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi are questioning the very existence of Lord Ram, thus justifying a proposed destruction of Ram Setu - a structure symbolising the essence of our culture. By saying, "We see only Adam's bridge, no Ram Setu", these leaders wilfully ignore the sacred tradition that has woven the diverse cultures of the sub-continent since time immemorial.

As per section 295(a) of the Indian Penal Code, no one can hurt the religious beliefs of any community, and failure to comply with the law may lead to three years of rigorous imprisonment and fine or both depending upon the seriousness of the issue. Why shouldn't the offenders be punished on the charge of violating the law?

-- Published in the Edit page of The Pioneer on October 10, 2007

A fanatic wrapped with egos

Saswat Panigrahi

In the heat and dust of Uttar Pradesh election, Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has racked up the past again. This time he demanded credit for the Gandhi family for India’s freedom, by severing a part of it, and for pushing India to the 21st century. Earlier, he caused a similar furore by claiming that had a Gandhi been in the power he would not have allowed Babri Masjid’s demolition.

Evaluating these remarks it is evident that the young Gandhi is so fanatic about his family’s history that earlier he did not even spare to attack a dead Prime Minister from his own party.

Living in braggadocios he sometime claimed that the Gandhi family was the contractor of the Independence from the British. In order to remain peerless in the freedom movement the family suavely brushed aside the contributions of other great patriots. Instead of saying that Indira Gandhi was instrumental for liberating Bagladesh he claimed a credit for splitting Pakistan. Had he been said that Indira Gandhi was instrumental for liberating Bagladesh, he would have got a scope for his defence. His remark on splitting Pakistan has not only invited a public flak in the country, but also put a question mark on the improving relationship with Pakistan.

Rahul claims, his family built India’s bridge into the 21st century. This implies, Gandhis are instrumental for all major events and timeline through which India has reached at the millennia. And by saying this he has disgraced the testimony of time.

His remarks are a bundle of flaws rapped with a bag of egos. Amid his teasing remarks one thing is loud and clear. The Cambridge-educated M.Phil in Development Economics has a very poor understanding over the politics.

Election is fought with issues. In UP there are a number of contemporary issues affecting common men’s life. But, by bringing these non-issues to the public gallery Rahul Gandhi proves his immaturity in understanding the basic issues. Its an irony that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh tells voters of Uttar Pradesh, “Rahul Gandhi is your future. He is sweating it out for you.”

Even more ironical is the fact that, while the Congress cadre sees Rahul's statement as reiteration of a historical reality, party leaders are unable to explain the need for raking up the sensitive past, which could provoke a diplomatic spat with Pakistan.

In the 82nd Congress Plenary session in Hyderabad Rahul managed to hog headlines by hurdling “A leadership cannot be created. It has to be built slowly, brick by brick.”

But how many bricks the son of the Gandhi clan needs to prove himself as a leader. Let’s wait and watch.

While PM plays communal card

Saswat Panigrahi

"We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first claim on resources."

The lines albeit seems to be a part of the pre-election speech of a vote hungry politician. But surprisingly and sarcastically Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh hurled this bombshell while addressing the National Development Council meeting.

The remark raised a turmoil in the national political scene. The issue raised a storm in both houses during the winter session of the parliament. In a major political uproar the opposition BJP accused the PM of espousing the time-tested policy of "minority appeasement" for political gains.

"… What is this if not rank communal appeasement," Leader of opposition LK Advani said in the floor of the house.

"UPA Government was doing to appease Muslims for the sake of votes would put even the divisive and communal agenda of the Muslim League to shame," BJP deputy leader in the Lok Sabha Vijay Kumar Malhotra said referring to the PM's statement.

However, the Prime Minister rushed to blame the media which faithfully reported his speech. The media has been accused by the PM of "deliberate and mischievous misinterpretation" of his speech.

Well, it's not for the first time that the Congress party is playing a communal politics to garner its vote bank. While we turn over the pages of political history of India the communal politics of Congress comes under scrutiny. And this time, one who has paced the deck of communal politics of Congress party and its UPA Government is none other then Dr Manmohan Sigh. A man, who was once known as the father of Economic reforms. He was believed as the instrumental for changing the way India's economy moved. A man at once was termed as a strong advocate of mixed economy model and referred to as a reformer with a human face.

Dr Sigh's role as the Finance Minister during nineties is different as that of a Prime Minister. As the Finance Minister he was credited for slashing red tape, simplifying tax systems, removing stiffing controls and regulations and creating an atmosphere conducive for business.

As the Prime Minister Dr Singh in a crude attempt at Muslim appeasement formed Sachar Committee 20 months ago, which perhaps set the ball rolling of his policy of communal appeasement. In the mean time the committee headed by Justice Rajinder Sachar has come out with its report. In the pretext of going into the social, economic and educational status of Muslims, the notorious report by its very genesis has been exposed of disseminating such irresponsible propaganda.

And in the backdrop of Sachar Commission report and clamor by the Congress and its pseudo secular allies for reservation to the minorities, Dr Manmohan Singh's "Muslim first" assertion is being seen as a ploy to taste political water before slicing away nation's resources on a divisive line.

This is not to dispute that a vast section of Muslims are reeling from poverty and illiteracy. But the reality can't be separated from the fact that the Congress has ruled the country for six decades. Election comes and goes. Nurturing vote bank politics Congress rides to power. And for the congress party the plight of the indigent muslim never cease to make the rounds. As soon as the poll ends, it put in the cold storage to be used in the future election.

With Assembly election around the corner in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Uttaranchal, Manmohan has rightly played the communal vote bank politics of Congress Party and his UPA Government to the gallery in a certain urgency.

Being busy in polarizing votes in a poll hue the Dr Singh in the august post has forgotten the truth that there are crores of people in the country living in miserable conditions. The first claim on resourses should be of those section.

These poverty stricken people can't be divided in communal lines for the shake of votes. Muslim's issue can't be excluded from the development process. And by separating muslim issue from the rest and using muslim as a voting fodder PM has nurtured a communal divide.

The Prime Minister is expected to preside over the country's governance and guide policy to achieve overall development. He is not in office to promote one community over another and thus incite communal sentiments which distort the national spirit.

By appointing Sachar Committee, accepting its obnoxious proposals and demanding that Muslims must get precedence over others, Dr Singh has sarcastically compounded his mistakes.

Well, the congress party may term Manmohan's new role an act of gandhigiri . But to any responsible citizen the truth is not crystal clear. The Congress led UPA is playing a divide and rule policy. And in a bid to raise the spectre of a divided India , canny politicians like Dr Singh is in a spree in playing a political ace.

In a nutshell Dr Manmohan Singh's "Muslim First" policy reek communalism and hence pillories the nationalist sentiments. It's a distortion of the secular fabric of the country.

Killed unborn in the womb

Saswat Panigrahi

Nearly 40 million girls are missing from the Indian population. According to the data compiled by the Registrar General of India, the country's child sex ratio is 927 females per 1,000 males as per the 2001 Census. The ratio was 945:1000 in 1991. That figure, too, had dropped significantly from 976:1000 in 1961. In some parts of the country, the sex ratio has dropped to less than 800:1000.

The sex ratio in India has altered in favour of boys since the beginning of the 20th century. Its effect has been most visible in Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. In Delhi, the statistics are more shocking. In the posh localities south and west of the city, the female child constitution in the ratio is a shocking 762 and 784 respectively, as was reported by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi in 2004.

The Government appears to have failed to prevent large-scale female infanticide and foeticide, according to a UN report. As a result, says the UN's World Population Fund, India has one of the highest sex imbalances in the world. The WPF says that the low status of women in Indian society is mainly to blame for this grim scenario.

Not surprisingly, demographers warn that there will be a shortage of brides in the next 20 years because of the adverse juvenile sex ratio, combined with an overall decline in fertility. Between 1981 and 1991, one crore males were in need of females. Currently, 37 million males are looking for partners. According to media reports, girls from Assam and West Bengal are kidnapped and sold in Haryana.

India has a long history of infanticide. However, technology has changed the methods of getting rid of a girl child. Female infanticide has taken the form of female foeticide. This includes the detection of the unborn baby in the womb of the mother and its consequent abortion. Female foeticide violates the right to life of the unborn child, besides being a strong manifestation of violence against women.

Campaigns have been launched to highlight the importance of a girl child in society. What can one attribute this abysmal state of affairs to? The brick and mortar system of addressing sex inequality? Excuses about shortage of manpower and lack of expertise? Not a single case of sex determination has apparently been charged and punished. And the reason is lack of circumstantial evidence.

-- Published in the Edit page, The Pioneer on December 15, 2006

Tragic end to a cheerful life

Saswat Panigrahi

From the small village of Ambajogai in Maharastra to the corridors of power in Indian Politics, Pramod Mahajan traveled a long way. He was instrumental in giving a new colour, a new shape, a new style and a new dimension to the Indian politics. Mahajan redefined Indian politics in his own style. Very obviously he had succeeded in carving out a larger then life image of his own in the National political scene.

For him politics was a choice, and a full time vocation. He had a strong belief that politics was not a profession, but a platform to raise issues, a means to solve the problems of the common man and ultimately a tool to set the speed for the development of the nation. For him politics was a convergence of political situation, economic spectrum, corporate arena, technological advancement, media vehicle, and the list goes on. With that thinking Mahajan left some foot prints for the generation-next politicians to emulate.

Representing a new India and playing a crucial role in nation-building, Mahajan proved himself as a creative politician. Young at heart, dynamic in his work, pragmatic in his outlook, Pramod Mahajan had always been an inspiration for youth power of the nation.

Mahajan was often referred as the Mr. Possible of Indian politics, a Lakshman of the Bharatiya Janata Party and even a rainmaker in Indian Political scene. He blended modern political thoughts with the traditional Sangh Parivar values. He was a bridge between the old and new generation politicians. From Hindutva to laptop politics, the techno-savvy General Secretary of the cadre-based Bharatiya Janata party indeed emerged as a sophisticated mascot for nation-building.

He was a politician’s politician. The master strategist was instrumental in moving the BJP from the pre-rath yatra era to a party in power. Yes, under his managerial skill, the party had grown leaps and bounds. He was never bothered about the controversies that cropped up around him.

As a leader, he rightly observed the whole gamut of Indian politics. He had a mastery over understanding the statistics and speculations of the political lingua franca. From Maharastra to the national capital Delhi, from Assam to Rajastan, from Orissa to Karnataka, he mastered over understanding politics of different parts of the country. To understand the issues and to raise them at the right time was another facet of his political profile. From grassroots to the State corridors, from State politics to national political scene, from national politics to international politics, he read, understood and mastered the language of politics. And for him, perhaps, that was a political right.

Mahajan was also popular for his capacity of networking. He was known for his brilliant oration skill. As a speaker he captured the audiences’ imagination and brought a number of important issues to the public gallery. A master strategist, a leader in many roles, Mahajan was always was willing to take on the ladder. His was a meteoric rise in the country’s political landscape. A great survivor in the saffron politics, Mahajan climbed different ladders and hierarchy with quite an ease, beginning with Vidyarthi Parishad, RSS, passing through Jan Sangh and later Bharatiya janata Party. From a teacher to a pracharak, from the Editorial Desk of Tarun Bharat to the office of Communication Minister, from the Parliament to the organisational responsibility, a nirala andaaz of Mahajan was painted every where.

He had a mastery over coalition politics. He knew very well that tomorrow is an era of alliance. He successfully nurtured the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance in Maharastra in 1995. His art of building alliance was not just confined to Sena and Maharastra, but he was widely credited for building up the alliance with Jaylalithaa, Karunanidhi and George Fernandis. His alliance mantra was a catalyst for BJP to run a complete five-year term of non-Congress Government, comprising of as much as 24 parties, for the first time ever in the history of Indian politics.

Mahajan was very popular among the oppositions. Rising above to party line, Speaker Somnath Chatterjee proposed his name for best parliamentarian. At times, while speaking in the parliament he left the opposition with no choice but to accept his schools of thought. He had close friends in almost all the parties.

His tenure as a Communication Minister ushered in a new era in technological advancement. Under his tenure, number of telephonic service in the rural area witnessed a quantum leap. He was also credited for piloting the Information Technology Bill in 2000.

A key members of second generation of BJP and one of the dynamic leaders the party had ever had, Mahajan was an inspiration for the party cadres across the country. He was always considered as a sankat mochak (crisis alleviator) of the saffron party.

Mahajan’s skills in linking the masses with the party, raising funds, and managing elections for the party were indeed commendable. A leader with a vision and a calculated thinking power, he wanted to see BJP as a moderate party. Carrying a dimensional facet, he showcased a very offbeat modus operandi to manage and run the party. The leader who was considered as a king-maker of BJP once said, “I do not want to be the captain. I will always be a player in BJP.”

Life, they say, is like a bubble. It takes seconds to change a situation. Something similar happened to Mahajan also. After twelve days of battle with life and death, in Hinduja Hospital in Mumbai, he succumbed to his three fatal bullet injuries, after he was shot point blank by his own younger brother.

Mahajan was cremated with full state honour at 42 Sivaji Park crematoria, amid the chants of Vedic-mantras. Thousands of mourners bid a tearful adieu to one of the country’s promising politicians amid the slogans “Pramod Mahajan Amar Rahe” and “Jab Tak Sooraj Chand Rahega, Promod Ji ka Naam Rahega.” An era came to an end!

Mahajan’s career as a politician had witnessed many ups and downs. He joined the Rastriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) as a child. It was during his college days when Mahajan was actively involved with Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of Sang Parivar. A Bachelor in both Physics and Journalism, and a Masters in Political Science, Mahajan started his career as a Sub-editor in Tarun Bharat, a Marathi RSS mouthpiece in the early 1970s. For some years he also worked as a school teacher. In 1974, he left teachership to join as a RSS pracharak. He was jailed during the emergency. In those days, Mahajan was actively involved with Jana Sangh. Soon after, Atal Bihari Vajpayee noticed his oratorial skills at a rally in 1977, his political rise had begun. His national break came in 1983 when he made his mark as a remarkably successful “media manager”. Doing justice with his job, he stared arguing eloquently that the BJP was the party of the future. After serving as the BJP’s Maharashtra unit General Secretary from 1978 to 1983, he contested the 1984 Lok Sabha elections and lost. He was made president of the All India Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha in 1986. It was during the Ram rath yatra of 1990, that his tremendous organisational skills were noticed. Five years later, Mahajan’s managerial skills won the BJP an alliance with the Shiv Sena, and an election victory in Maharashtra. In 1996, he became the country’s Defence Minister, albeit for 16 days. In 1998, he was appointed advisor to Prime Minister Vajpayee. In the same year he was re-elected to Rajya Sabha. He successfully handled important cabinet ministries. He had served as Minister for Information and Broadcasting, Minister for Parliamentary Affairs, Information Technology and Communications. In the year 2003, he was dropped from the Union cabinet and appointed as the BJP general secretary. He was also widely credited with building a consensus for Dr APJ Abdul Kalam’s candidacy for the country’s presidency. The 2004 General Elections were a huge thumb-down as BJP performed unexpectedly poorly. Candid and moderately, Mahajan, the key poll manager of the BJP, personally accepted responsibility for the defeat. In the reshuffle of the party ranks, Mahajan was acknowledged as the future leader of the party, who was capable of playing many roles.

As soon as the news of Mahajan’s death broke, BJP put its flag half mast to pay its homage to its favourite leader who represented a generational change within BJP. The most shining star of BJP was lost in the remote horizon. It was indeed a painful sunset for the party. The sense of loss is palpable. The truth is that the void which has been created by Mahajan’s demise can never be filled up. Mahajan’s tragic and untimely death has thrown the party in the hands of endless chunautis (perils). But there are hopes in the air; someone else would step in to fill the void.

The nation bid adieu to the promising leader with drops of tears. It is not just a loss for the BJP, but a grave loss for the country. The country perhaps would not be able to create a second Pramod Mahajan.

-- Appeared as an obituary in May 01, 2006 issue of Day After newsmagazine