Minesgate digs Odisha’s grave

Precious minerals have been siphoned off with the tacit patronage of those in the corridors of power, giving birth to the biggest scam of independent India, reports Saswat Panigrahi

It is a scam of such magnitude that it will put the likes of Union Minister A Raja and former Jharkhand Chief Minister Madhu Koda to shame. While experts are still working out the final figure, a conservative estimate puts Odisha’s mining scam at Rs 3,00,000 crore. This basically involves millions of tonnes of minerals that have been smuggled out of the mineral-rich Keonjhar-Sundargarh-Mayurbhanj stretch and Jajpur district over the years. Among the State’s rich mineral resources — iron ore, bauxite, chromite, manganese and limestone — iron ore has been clearly the biggest target. Informed sources say the State has produced nearly 420 million tonnes of iron ore worth Rs 84,000 crore but has only earned a paltry sum of Rs 743 crore. The rest is quite obviously unaccounted for. However, the State anti-corruption wing puts that figure at only Rs 409 crore.

The scam first came to light when the ruling BJD MLA Samir Ranjan Das put up a question on the floor of the Assembly about the illegal mining activities of Ram Bahadur Thakur (RBT) Limited. That opened a Pandora's box. Subsequently it came to light that the Odisha Government was in the process of settling a lease in favour of the company last year which no longer exists and was liquidated way back in 1999. In order to obtain a mining lease, the defunct company executed a Power of Attorney (PoA) in favour of Shakti Ranjan Dash who happens to be a close aide of BJD’s Pyarimohan Mohapatra and which probably explains why the State Government had considered the lease application. It has come to light that RBT was mining manganese at Rudukela and Katasahi in Keonjhar district without obtaining a legitimate lease; the manganese mine area was being guarded by none other than the Directorate of Mines.

According to the prescribed rules, a mining company must initially apply for a Prospecting Licence (PL) or a Mining Lease (ML). The applicant has to first clear the mining plan from the Indian Bureau of Mines, submit the forest diversion proposal for the land to be used for mining and provide the compensatory afforestation programme with a deposit of a non-payable amount and a wildlife management plan. Only then does an application get the Union Forests and Environment Ministry’s nod. Once the environmental clearance is granted, the State Pollution Control Board gives the Consent to Operate (CTO) certificate and stipulates the amount of ore that can be extracted in a year. The quantity of ore to be extracted annually is specified in the mining plan which is approved by the Indian Bureau of Mines. The limit is specified with an eye on collateral environmental damage. After an application obtains the statutory clearance of the Union Forests and Environment Ministry and the State Pollution Control Board, the State Mines Department issues a mining lease. The lease deed is then agreed upon by both the lessee and the State Government.

The State Revenue Department demarcates and stipulates the mining area or lease area according to the mining map. The mining area is specified with a central point which is known as the grid point. As per provisions, an allottee can only raise minerals within the allotted area.

However, throwing these existing laws out of the window has now become routine in the State with illegal mining going on rampantly. For the past decade, a well-organised illegal mining mafia has been involved in large-scale smuggling of precious mineral resources from Odisha’s mineral rich districts, bleeding an already impoverished State. A standard operation syndicate usually comprises mine-owners, traders, contractors and criminal gangs who work alongside bureaucrats and unscrupulous officials of the Mining, Forest, Environment, Pollution Control Board, Revenue, Transport and Police departments. This nexus has even reached the corridors of power.

Both genuine lease holders and the mafia are involved. Scores of mine owners have been excavating iron ore, chromite, manganese and other minerals much beyond the stipulated limit. With sophisticated machinery at their disposal, they are able to extract enormous amounts in the least time. In some cases, 800-1000 per cent beyond the permitted limit is mined and the activity even crosses the boundary of the stipulated lease area. Several mine owners even continue mining without renewing their lease. Then there are lease holders who have obtained permits for non-forest land but have brazenly encroached into forest land, including reserve forest areas. There are countless mining plants running without the due environmental clearance. According to an estimate, as much as 80 per cent of the State’s mineral rich forest land is being exploited. The mining mafia, too, operates in a well-organised manner. They largely mine in the forest areas, reserve forest areas, Government mines and unallotted mineral areas. In fact, on many occasions, illegal mining can even be traced to officials of the Mines, Forest, Environment, and Police departments.

Smugglers involved in illegal mining employ both the road and the rail route. The road essentially involves the Kolkata-Mumbai National Highway 6 which goes via Keonjhar and National Highway 215 that connects Panikoili and Rajamunda. Thousands of trucks are engaged in these activities and local criminal networks are actively involved. The weigh bridges and check gates meant for giving clearance to mineral-laden vehicles are inadequately manned. The smuggling is so organised that fake Transit Permits (TP) are regularly printed and used to take away mineral-laden lorries to different destinations. While some are transported within the country, others go to the ports at Paradip, Visakhapatnam and Haldia for export. The rail route is usually used to smuggle minerals to the neighbouring States of Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal.

Illegally extracted minerals are usually exported to India’s immediate neighbours. From the transit point at Champua in Keonjhar district the route travels across Bihar’s porous border with Nepal, and from there consignments are sent to China and Bangladesh. The Paradip, Haldia and Visakhapatnam ports are used for smuggling on sea routes. Courtesy the boom in the steel sector in the past decade, there is a huge demand in China. Reports suggest that in 2006-07, 12 million tonnes of iron ore fines was exported to China, Hong Kong and Singapore from Paradip port alone. In 2007-08 the export amount went up to 13 million tonnes and in 2008-09 it crossed 20 million. Similarly, 3.8 million tonnes of iron ore fines from Odisha was exported from Visakhapatnam port in 2007-08, an amount that rose to five million tonnes in 2008-09. The State Government is completely apathetic. A recent “confidential” official communication indicated that 4.5 lakh metric tonnes of iron ore worth Rs 150 crore was smuggled out of Joda in Keonjhar district in January alone. There are big names involved in all this. Among those accused of mining in excess of the permitted limit are the Aditya Birla Group owned Essel Mining and Industries Limited, SR Rungta Group, SL Sarda and ML Sarda with a controlling interest by Jindal Steel and Power Limited, Tata Steel, Sirajuddin and Company, Indrani Patnaik company, IMFA group, apart form Government companies like the Odisha Mining Corporation.

Of all these, RTI documents obtained by Biswajit Mohanty of Transparency International show that the biggest beneficiary is Essel Mining and Industries Limited. Between 2000 and 2006 the company extracted 138,01, 391 mega tones worth Rs 2,555 crore in excess of its stipulated limit from Jiling Langlota Iron and Manganese mines of Keonjhar district. Again, between 2003 and 2006, the company extracted 68,58,460 mega tones valued at Rs 1,714 crore in excess of its stipulated limit from Kasia Iron and Dolomite mines in Keonjhar. The total excess production adds up to almost Rs.4,269 crore.

The SR Rungta group, another baron, exceeded its stipulated limit in a similar fashion. The RTI document, quoting the Ministry of Environment and Forests report dated December 18, 2006, shows that the company mined 92,39,805 mega tonnes worth Rs 1,910 crore in excess of the permitted quantity from six of its mines between 2003 and 2007. It is learnt that the SL Sarda and ML Sarda owned Thakurani B mines in Keonjhar, in which Jindal Steel and Power Limited has a controlling interest, mined iron ore worth Rs 1,850 crore in excess of the stipulated limit. Reports suggest that Tata Steel, which has chromite mines at Sukinda in Jajpur district and iron ore mines at Joda in Keonjhar district, mined ore worth at least Rs 1,700 crore in excess of the permitted limit between 2004 and 2008. Sirajuddin and Company mined iron ore worth Rs 750 crore in excess of its limit from the Belda mines in Keonjhar district between 2000 and 2006. Indrani Patnaik company owned by a member of former Congress Minister Niranjan Patnaik’s family, extracted iron ore and manganese worth at least Rs 132 crore in excess of the permitted quantity in the past decade. The Government-owned Odisha Mining Corporation itself extracted chromite worth at least Rs 100 crore in excess of the permitted limit from its South Kaliapani mines in Jajpur district between 2004 and 2008.

That the Navin Patnaik Government has been aware of this scam has been revealed in documents submitted in the Orissa High Court in connection with the mining scam. A letter written in 2006 by the then transport Commissioner, SB Agnihotri, to about 45 central organisations involved in handling of mineral resources highlights how minerals were being illegally mined and transported. But the BJD Government did nothing to stem the rot. It is now being said that the ruling BJD’s 2009 poll campaign was largely funded by the illegal mining lobby. “A sizeable chunk of black money made from mineral smuggling was gifted to the BJD in the form of a political donation ahead of 2009 polls. To receive those undue benefits, a review meeting was held in Joda of Keonjhar district on January 24, 2009. BJD poll manager Pyarimohan Mohapatra chaired the review meeting of the mine owners and mineral traders. A Deputy Director of Mines also attended the meeting. The Rajya Sabha member’s visit was issued as an official programme by the District Magistrate,” senior Odisha BJP leader Bijoy Mohapatra told The Pioneer.

The mining scam was brought to the Supreme Court’s notice in a 150-page petition filed by Rabi Das, senior journalist and president of Odisha Jana Sammilani. “The organised illegal design injurious to national interests implemented in a systematic way with the active connivance of the State Government has resulted in breakdown of the constitutional machinery. Rule of law has been deliberately subverted by the State Government for unjustly enriching the individual functionaries,” the petition said citing a host of official communication to prove its point.

In response to the petition, the apex court has entrusted the Central Empowered Committee (CEC) to investigate the mining scam. Rattled by the Supreme Court directive, the State Government has ordered suspension of work in at least 200 mines and scrapped 450-odd trading licences. The State Government has set up a task force headed by Chief Secretary Tarun Kanti Mishra and hurriedly engaged the State’s vigilance department for a probe. Meanwhile, sleuths have arrested eight senior Government officials over their alleged involvement in the scam. Eleven cases have been registered against some mining companies. Many heads are still to roll. The Income Tax department has launched nationwide raids on mining plants and mineral export establishments spread across the country. The Director of Mines, Rabindra Narayan Sahu, has been suspended. Steel and mines secretary Ashok Dalawai had to confess before the CEC that there have been irregularities in the mining sector in the past decade.

The BJD Government’s reaction has been knee-jerk. Underplaying the scam, it has only ordered a vigilance inquiry, while the Opposition is demanding a CBI probe. Clearly, going by the reluctance of the State Government to order an honest and transparent probe, there is a lot more to this scam than meets the eye.

-- The investigative report appeared in ‘Assignment’ section of Agenda, Sunday Pioneer on March 28, 2009

Mining a loophole

Saswat Panigrahi

Of the 341 mines existing in Odisha, only 126 operate on the basis of a valid lease. A paragraph in the 53-year-old Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act has proved to be the State's bane and the mining companies' boon: It is allowing illegal operators to plunder Odisha to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crore

Mineral-rich Odisha has become a paradise for illegal mining in the last one decade. To earn big bucks, smugglers are making a beeline for the State with the sole aim of plundering its precious minerals. Legal lacunae make illegal mining easy. A sizeable number of mines in the State have been operating years after their leases have expired. The miners use a legal clause involving extension of their leases as an excuse to continue their activity.

Out of 341 mines existing in Odisha, only 126 operate on a valid lease. Of the 215 mines that existed illegally, the leases of 15 expired more than 20 years ago, those of 17 expired 15 to 20 years ago. The lease period of 38 mines ended 10 to 15 years ago and that of another 65 mines ended 10 years ago. The remaining 80 mines have been operating five years after their leases lapsed. This was brought to light by the interim report of the Supreme Court-appointed Central Empowered Committee.

In November 2009, a 150-page petition filed by Mr Rabi Das, senior journalist and president of Odisha Jana Sammilani, brought the mining scam to the notice of the Supreme Court. In response to the petition, the apex court had entrusted the CEC with the task of investigating the scam. The CEC had asked the State Government to furnish all details related to it. The findings of the interim report are based on the submissions made by the Odisha Government and the petitioner.

The 85-page report has laid bare rampant illegal mining making use of lacunae in the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957. As per the ‘deemed extension’ clause under Rule 24A(6) of Mineral Concession Rules 1960, if a lease holder applies for the renewal of mining lease within a stipulated period, the lease is automatically ‘deemed’ to have been extended till the State Government actually deals with the applications.

“A large number of mines are operating in Odisha even after the expiry of the mining lease period. This is being done under the provision of ‘deemed extension’ of mining leases provided under Rule 24A(6) of Mineral Concession Rules and is happening because the applications filed for the renewal of the mining leases remain undecided for a considerable period of time after the expiry of the mining lease period,” the report said, adding: “The deemed extension clause is primarily meant to deal with contingency situations and to ensure that the mining operations do not come to an abrupt end because of administrative delays in deciding renewal applications.”

But the rule has been misused to allow the expired leases to exist for years. “This provision is not meant to be availed of indefinitely. Moreover, continuing mining over a long period of time without renewal of the mining lease becomes a potential source for serious illegalities and irregularities,” the report observed.

Scores of mine owners have excavated iron ore, chromite, manganese and other minerals much beyond the stipulated limit. “The mining activities also exceeded the production limit as approved under the mining plans,” the report said. In Odisha, a good number of mines co-exist with the forest land or reserve forest areas. According to an estimate, as much as 80 per cent of the State’s mineral-rich forest land is being exploited. While carrying out illegal mining, the miners shamelessly flout the Forest Conservation Act and environmental norms.

“Mining activities were going on in a large number of mines in Odisha without requisite approvals under the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, environmental clearances, and Air and Water Acts,” the CEC report said, adding, “There was lack of effective coordination and common understanding between the officials of the Mines Department and the Forest Department resulting in ineffective enforcement of statutory provisions.”

The report has suggested a set of recommendations aimed at curbing illegal mining. The CEC has asked the State Government to dispose of the mining lease renewal applications pending for years expeditiously and in a time-bound manner. Deemed extension clauses should only be used in contingency situations and cannot be availed of indefinitely, the CEC said. It also further said that mining in non-forest areas can be allowed only after obtaining environmental and other statutory clearances by the lease-holder. The CEC has decided to charge all illegal miners a one-time fine on a land cost valuation formula. For both renewal of mining lease and mining lease, the lessees would have to pay the net present value of the forests for the entire lease area as per a 2002 Supreme Court directive, the report stated. The fine amount is expected to run into Rs 2,000 crore. But the Odisha mining scam is estimated at Rs 3 lakh crore. The figures tell their own story. The CEC formula does not take into account the millions of tonnes of illegal minerals.

Ever since media coverage of the scam, the BJD Government has been in the dock. Well aware of the large-scale pillage, it turned a blind eye - indeed, let the red-tape allow illegal mining and smuggling, thereby providing covert help to the jholawallah brigade in siphoning off Odisha’s minerals. The image of the Naveen Patnaik-led Odisha Government has been dented. The Odisha Government is trying hard to underplay the scam and sweep it under the carpet. It is reluctant to go for a CBI inquiry into the matter. An indifferent Odisha Government, sitting on the renewal of mining lease applications for years now, is saying it is not at fault as the miners are to blame for not submitting documents, forcing authorities to keep the files on hold.

The Green Bench of the Supreme Court has directed the Odisha Government to implement the recommendations of the Central Empowered Committee with immediate effect. It is now up to the Odisha Government to follow the directive.

-- Appeared in the OpEd page of The Pioneer on July 07, 2010

Also read: Minesgate digs Odisha’s grave

Why Advani went wrong in Orissa?

Saswat Panigrahi

BJP veteran LK Advani’s silence on Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik -- who is confronting a volley of corruption charges -- during the Orissa leg of Jan Chetna Yatra has virtually triggered a cadre revolt in state BJP.

While playing the issue of corruption to the public gallery, he spoke extensively on the successive scams -- Cash-for-vote scam, 2G spectrum scam and CWG scam -- under the UPA rule and highlighted its inability to bring back lakhs of crores of black money stashed in tax havens. However, he did not make any direct or indirect reference to the state of affairs in Orissa.

Responding to newspersons’ query about the series of scams during Naveen Patnaik’s regime, Advani said, "Since the yatra is a pan-India campaign, the overall focus should ideally be on the issue of corruption at the Centre. But, so far as the corruption in the states is concerned, we are concerned with the states we rule." He quickly added, “The state leadership would answer them.”

Answering a question on the “possibility” of a BJP-BJD alliance in future, the octogenarian leader said, “It is a speculative question...I am not ruling out anything, though at the moment the relations between the two have become tense."

Advani’s move was meticulously planned, carefully scripted and skilfully calculated. By maintaining a stoic silence on the scam-tainted Patnaik government, the BJP veteran has hurled broad hints for reviving ties with the BJD. This is not to dispute that during the BJP-BJD honeymoon days, Patnaik was Advani’s blue eyed boy and was enjoying a status which none of the other senior Orissa BJP leaders had.

Today, at a time when the BJP leader is apparently projecting himself as a prime ministerial candidate, he sees an opportunity in re-cultivating Patnaik and his BJD.


It’s been a couple of days since Advani made those comments. But the after effect is refusing to die down. The resentment in the state unit is evident. As Ashok Sahu, vice president of Orissa BJP bluntly puts, “It would have been better had Advaniji made comments on the Himalayan corruption of the Naveen Patnaik government”.

Advani’s move has put the state BJP in a tight spot. This has made the task of BJP leaders in Orissa difficult to face both the press and the public ahead of the crucial Panchayat polls. They are unable defend Advani’s political faux pas. I hope they are still busy in answering a circle of questions. The party cadres in Orissa are saddened and demoralised. It is now a challenge for the state leaders to convince irked party cadres. But has Advani gone wrong in wooing Naveen? Can the BJP afford to rejoin hands with the BJD? As a keen observer of Orissa politics, I must search the answers for future in a timeline from the past to the present. Just read on...

Those in knowhow of Orissa’s political history can recall how BJP’s strategist late Pramod Mahajan played a crucial role in the formation of BJD, before stitching its alliance with the saffron party. After Biju Patnaik’s demise in April 1997, a sympathy wave was blowing in the state in favour of the legendry leader. To cash in on that wave, Mahajan met Biju legacy -leaders. Some of them opined to merge the Orissa unit of the Janata Dal with the BJP. But it was Mahajan who proposed to float a party in the name of Biju babu and its alliance with BJP to bring a debacle for the Congress in Orissa, a suggestion the Janata leaders could not but accept. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was formed in December, 1997 and its alliance with the BJP was forged in February 1998.


It is said that all initial formative logistics for BJD were provided by the BJP. Biju babu’s son Naveen Patnaik, who since then was elected as a member of 11th Lok Sabha in a by-election following his father’s demise, emerged as the unanimous consensus to lead the party. Orissa voted en bloc for the BJP-BJD coalition as the state waited for a change because the Congress regime led by JB Patnaik was marked by mass corruption and which severely compromised state’s development. Riding an anti-Congress wave, BJP-BJD coalition swept State elections and Naveen became the chief minister.

However, after coming to power, the BJP started doing political piggy-riding and used Patnaik as a surrogate. In a decade long BJP-BJD regime, while the BJD was busy in enhancing its mass base, BJP did not bother to strengthen its grass roots. A sizable number of BJP leaders in Orissa distanced themselves from the organisation.

Ahead of the 2009 elections, when the BJP and BJD split over seat-sharing wrangles, a ‘cadre less’ Orissa BJP was walking on a lost path. The result was on expected lines. The BJD swept the state elections and the BJP bite the dust. Naveen Patnaik was elected as the Chief Minister for the third time in row.

The end of 2009 saw the beginning of bad days for Patnaik and his BJD government. Patnaik’s squeaky clean image took a beating ever since the mining scam broke.

As the Pandora's Box opened, it is learnt about how the Naveen government allowed mineral smugglers to plunder Orissa to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crores, giving birth to the biggest scam in independent India’s history. Then more skeletons tumbled out of the closet.

It was BJD government which illegally allotted as much as 6,000 acre of three-crop agricultural land -- including 1,300 acre belonging to Lord Jagannath Temple -- for the proposed dubious Vedanta university project in Puri-Konark marine drive. Orissa Lokpal indicted the Patnaik government for illegal land allotment. The biggest land grab scam in independent India was waiting to happen in Orissa. Thanks to Orissa High Court, the project was spiked.

Then came the nixing of Vedanta’s proposed bauxite mining project in Niyamgiri following NC Saxena report. The report indicted the BJD government again.

The saga of corruption in Naveen Patnaik government does not end there. Apart from mining scam and the two Vedanta scams, the BJD government is involved in dal scam, coal scam, rural job scam and the list goes on.

Patnaik government is highly unpopular for its mega industry plank. By allowing industries at the cost of livelihood of the people, the BJD government has made industries the beneficiary and the state a looser. Patnaik is being branded as anti-famer, anti-poor and ant-tribal.

Today, Patnaik and his BJD are facing credibility crisis. But, where does the BJP figure in Orissa’s political map? The saffron party is back in a revival mode. Being in opposition it was using the issue of corruption in the state to pin down the BJD. The party was cashing in on the issue to gauge public mood.

Despite that, by choosing to keep mum on the large scale corruption in Orissa, BJP veteran LK Advani appeared to be siding with Naveen. It is now a big challenge for the state BJP to explain people what exactly it is up to.

“With the polls not far away, the dependency is seemingly mutual. This time both the BJP and BJD need each other for their political success. However, while it would be a strategic alliance for the BJD, for BJP it would just be a suicidal move in Orissa,” said senior political commentator Pratap Mohanty.

This is not to dispute that Advani is undoubtedly the tallest leader in BJP’s ranks. But he is not the sole voice of the party. There are number of BJP leaders who are severely critical of his move. So let’s leave the rest to time.

-- Published in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/why-advani-went-wrong-in-orissa_741985.html

A relentless fight, but who are the real takers?

Saswat Panigrahi

I must admit I haven’t seen such a movement so far. Iconic Gandhian Anna Hazare’s satygraha demanding enactment of a comprehensive ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’ to check corruption in public life indeed moved the nation.

It was for the second time, independent India saw such a mass movement. In 1975, legendry Jayaprakash Narayan launched Sampoorna Kranti movement to unseat Congress government headed by Indira Gandhi. It may be premature to draw parallels between the two movements, but there is certainly a commonality between the two. Both the movements attracted right and left forces.

Hazare’s anti-corruption stir was well timed and hence assumed significance. It was launched at a time when a series of macabre scams -- 2G spectrum scam, CWG scam, CVC appointment scam, Odisha mining scam, Vedanta land grab scam in Odisha, Adarsh housing society scam, Karnataka mining scam (the list could go on) -- have hit the nation.

In a season of scams, where corruption was used as a sheet anchor for governance, nothing could be a more awful joke that instead of reining in corruption, leaders at the helm of powers are waxing eloquent on the rise of corruption. Remember those famous sound bites -- “Graft and greed are on the rise” or “The government is dead serious against corruption” or “Tackling corruption is high on the government's agenda”?

The sufferers are the ‘stupid’ common men (the aam aadmi as they are popularly known as). The scams hit them directly. Anna Hazare had his finger on the pulse of the common man and felt the pressing need to launch a mass movement against corruption under the aegis of ‘India against corruption’.

When the 73-year-old soldier-turned-social activist flagged down an anti-corruption campaign, as he went on to fast-onto-death at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, India rallied behind him.

Thousands came forward to join the chorus against corruption. Jantar Mantar, the central point of the agitation virtually turned into a Tahrir Square. The anti-corruption protests spread to more than a dozen cities across the country. The movement also found resonance from Indians living abroad. Similar protests were organised in Montreal, San Jose, Minneapolis and Amsterdam.

The message against corruption was spread in modern telephony with supporters sending group SMSes at random. The netizens pledged support of Anna Hazare’s campaign against corruption. Hazare became the most searched on Google India page. Facebook and Twiter pages were abuzz with messages in support of Hazare.

As the pressure built up, Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar -- who faces corruption charges -- had to resign from GoM on Lokpal Bill.

A panic stricken Congress-led UPA, which is battling a series of corruption allegations, could not but accept the civil society’s demand for a ‘stronger’ Lokpal Bill in order to avoid further damage. Hazare ended his 98-hour-long hunger strike after the government issued a gazette notification to set up a joint committee to draft an “effective Lok Pal Bill”.

The government has already drafted a Lokpal Bill. But the civil society says the bill in its present form is toothless and hence proposed a ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’.

So what is Lokpal, what is Lokpal Bill 2010 and how it is different from the proposed ‘Jan Lokpal Bill’? Lokpal means an ombudsman and the idea to create such institution dates back to 1963. The first Lokpal Bill was passed in Lok Sabha in 1969 but could not get through in Rajya Sabha. The bill was subsequently introduced in Parliament nine times between 1971 and 2008, but continually stymied each time by successive governments because of lack of political supports.

According to Draft Lokpal Bill 2010, the Lokpal will have jurisdiction only over MPs, ministers and Prime Minister. In contrast the draft Jan Lokpal bill says the Lokpal will have jurisdiction over politicians, bureaucrats and judges as well. The CVC and the entire vigilance machinery of the Centre will be merged into the Lokpal, it says.

Draft Lokpal Bill 2010 says Lokpal has no power to initiate suo motu actions or even receive complaints of corruption directly from the public. It can only probe complaints forwarded by Lok Sabha Speaker or Rajya Sabha Chairman. On the contrary, the draft Jan Lokpal Bill says Lokpal will have the powers to initiate suo moto action or receive complaints of corruption from the general public.

The proposal to revamp the Lokpal Bill is yet to bear fruit and the passage of the bill is long way ahead. Meanwhile, the joint committee on Lokpal is in shape. It consists of 10 members -- five each from the govt as well as the civil society. The committee is headed by senior minister Pranab Mukherjee and includes four other senior ministers as members. Besides Hazare, those representing the civil society in the joint committee are father son lawyer duo Shanti and Prasant Bhushan, Karnataka Lokayukta Santosh Hegde and RTI activist Arvind Kejriwal. Former Law minister Shanti Bhushan will co-chair the committee.

I see two problems in the selection of members for the committee. First, the committee excludes representation from the Opposition. Secondly, of the five representatives from the civil society, Bhushan father-son -- who campaign for judicial accountability and judicial reform, lack mass acceptability because of their controversial views on Kashmir, Maoists and terrorists. The inclusion of the father-son duo divided the civil society by drawing a line between the right wingers and the left wingers.

Meanwhile, co-chairman of Lokpal committee Shanti Bhushan is caught in a CD controversy, casting aspersions on his integrity. The audio CD, contains alleged conversation, apparently between Bhushan, SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav and former SP leader Amar Singh about 'fixing a judge for a price'. The CD further suggests Shanti Bhushan was allegedly ‘negotiating’ with Mulayam that his son Prasant would file a PIL against UP government for a hefty sum.

The civil society is divided further with Anna Hazare asking Chief Ministers across the country to replicate the development work done by Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. The left wingers among many others have asked Hazare to explain his stand on Narendra Modi.

Anna Hazare as a social reformer is always acceptable to the masses. His lieutenants like Kiran Bedi, Arvind Kejriwal and Baba Ramdev have mass acceptability. But also associated with his movement is a jholawala brigade -- consisting of the likes of Swami Agnivesh, Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey, who love to throw their weight behind anti-nationals Maoist certainly do not impress the masses. In addition to this, amongst the cabal of NGOs supporting the movement, a large chunk is also involved in corruption across the country. Hence, to what extent the movement will succeed, only time will tell.

I must add a point here. I am sure a sizable section, who support Anna Hazare’s movement against corruption do not feel the need to exercise their right to franchise during elections. Most among them are facebookwalas and a part of the twitterati. If the youth want a corruption free India, they should first elect leaders with integrity.

-- Published in my blog ‘The Right Way’ in Zeenews.com

Jan Nayak Anna Hazare

Saswat Panigrahi

My father reminiscences how during their university days they thronged to join Jayprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti movement. Now, my generation can proudly say we are part of Sampoorna Kranti-II launched by Anna Hazare.

There are enough similarities and a few differences between the two mass movements. In both the movements, corruption was the key word.

Lok Nayak Jayprakash called for a sampoorna kranti (total revolution) to unseat an “autocratic” and “corrupt” Congress regime headed by Indira Gandhi. It was through the movement, Jayprakash raised the larger questions of propriety and morality in public life.

Iconic Gandhian Anna Hazare also launched another sampoorna kranti to press for a strong anti-corruption ombudsman at a time when a series of macabre scams -- 2G spectrum scam, CWG scam, CVC appointment scam, Odisha mining scam, Vedanta land grab scams, Adarsh housing society scam, Karnataka mining scam (the list could go on) -- have hit the nation. Unlike the 1970s, corruption is no longer the fiefdom of the Congress party. In this season of scams, corruption is almost a way of life and is often being used as a sheet anchor for governance. That was precisely the reason the soldier-turned anti-corruption crusader made it clear, “The revolution is not against any particular party or a government. It is meant for a change in the system.”

Hazare’s 12-day-long satyagraha to press for a stronger Lokpal Bill has awakened the nation. The movement has rekindled nationalism. Bowing before the mass movement, both the houses of Parliament in their resolution in principle agreed to Hazare’s three key demands, which include bringing lower bureaucracy in the ambit of Lokpal, appointing Lokayuktas in the states and a citizen's charter for government departments.

The nation saw history being once again anchored from the historic Ramlila Maidan. Call it the victory of democracy or victory of peoples’ power; it was for the first time that peoples’ voice got heard in the legislation making process. So, call him Jan Nayak.

In a rare occasion, the ruling Congress and the Opposition BJP came together in bringing the Lokpal dispute to a closure at least for the time being. It is a little known fact that Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Leader of the Opposition in Rajya Shabha Arun Jaitley worked together on the final draft of the Lokpal resolution. And Anna Hazare deserves all credit for this.

The 74-year-old Gandhian opened the cold storage of Indian politics and picked up an issue on which Parliament sat on for four decades. Hardly did anyone think that the issue could now shake Indian politics.

Those aware of the political history of India would know that the idea of Lokpal was floated way back in 1963 by LM Singhvi, an independent member of Lok Sabha. The Lokpal Bill was first introduced in 1968 by the Indira Gandhi government. It was consequently passed in Lok Sabha in 1969. It was in the same year that the ruling Congress split and the bill could not get through in Rajya Sabha.


The bill was subsequently introduced in Parliament nine times between 1971 and 2008, but continually stymied each time. Governments introducing the legislation either failed to complete full term or didn’t return to power. It was last introduced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee government in 2001. The bill was then put on the backburner by UPA-I regime.

Thanks to Hazare, once again Parliament has woken up to the essence of the Lokpal Bill. Now the bill is in parliamentary Standing Committee’s court. Interestingly, late LM Singhvi’s son senior Congress leader Abhishek Manu Singhvi is heading the Standing Committee on Law and Justice, which looks into the draft of the bill.

“For 40 years, we could not pass the Lokpal Bill. I accept lapse of our governments”, candidly admitted UPA’s crisis manager Pranab Mukherjee in the floor of the house. But today, the nation wants an answer. Why did it take so long? Who is guilty of the inexplicable delay?

It is now up to the government to follow the legislation making process. The parliamentary Standing Committee should work out the final draft of the Lokpal Bill without any delay, so that it can be tabled in Parliament. But, as the Standing Committee now bats for Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s “game changing” idea to make the Lokpal a constitutional institution, further “procedural delay” is in the offing. It seems the passage of the bill may be a long way ahead.

This is not to dispute that the draft of the Lokpal Bill gives restricted remit to the Lokpal institution. The draft needs to be rewritten in order to widen the ambit of Lokpal. A copy of the Jan Lokpal Bill prepared by Team Anna is also with the Standing Committee. Best provisions of the Jan Lokpal should be incorporated in the bill taking a broader national consensus into account.

Hope the new Lokpal Bill will give enough space for the independence of the ombudsman. The bill should talk about a transparent appointment system for Lokpal. The last, but not the least: there is a possibility that the Lokpal could turn corrupt and in that case the bill should have the provisions for recalling the Lokpal.

The government should act and act fast. The Jan Nayak is watching their every move.

-- Published in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/jan-nayak-anna-hazare_729743.html

Naveen Patnaik for Prime Minister, really!

Saswat Panigrahi

Politics has an uncanny knack of springing surprises. Did you notice Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik's ‘Third Front’ blabber? In a tone matching new found wisdom, Patnaik went to the media dubbing the Congress-led UPA as ‘discredited’ and ‘corruption ridden’ and BJP-led NDA as ‘communally-tainted’ - thereby justifying the need for a fresh political formulation, maintaining equidistance from the two existing ones.

Patnaik’s statement came amidst the chorus against UPA’s pet project National Counter-Terrorism Centre (NCTC) as non-Congress CMs claimed that it was “a dangerous attempt to destroy the autonomy of the states".

Wild prediction for Naveen

But surprisingly a section of the media projected Patnaik as the new leader on the block and suggested that he could head an upcoming third political alliance. Some imaginations bordered on the wild, predicting Patnaik's pivotal role as the future kingmaker or possibly the king, post 2014 elections.

Well, I know one should not write off anyone in politics. But at the same time the prospect of Patnaik turning out to be the leader of the new front or he becoming the Prime Minister in the process looks outrageous to me at the moment. Having said that let me explain why?

Sample this - Odisha is not the only state to oppose NCTC. There are several states who have opposed any sort of encroachment on the federal structure of our polity. And the list includes BJP CMs too.

Who will go with Naveen?

Patnaik is said to be emerging as the leader of regional political parties on the mere basis of their opposition to NCTC and these include Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Tamil-Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa and former Andhra Pradesh CM N Chandrababu Naidu. Except for Naidu, none of the CMs has said anything on the formation of a third front and the possible leader of such a front.

In an era of coalition politics, the role of regional parties, with the right kind of presence in Lok Sabha, will be important in the next elections. Well, if at all Naveen Patnaik is acceptable as the leader of the regional bloc; the question arises as to who will go with him?

Let us examine possible scenarios. First, the names of players who could make or break the third front - If Mayawati-led BSP joins the Naveen-led bloc, Mulayam Singh-led SP would be automatically excluded. In the fifteenth Lok Sabha, the SP has 22 MPs followed by 21 of BSP, whereas the BJD has 14 MPs. (Remember, Odisha has only 21 Lok Sabha constituencies). The numbers may increase or decrease. But in politics numbers decide the rules of the game.

Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) cannot think about going with Naveen Patnaik (despite both sharing good vibes), because the JD(U) needs BJP to run the government in Bihar and this equation is unlikely to change in 2014. If the possibility of JD(U) joining the Naveen camp does not materialise, then there are two other regional players in Bihar - Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD and Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP - who could join the Naveen bloc. Lalu maintains his proximity with the Congress. For Prasad, who has been enduring ‘political unemployment’ for long, it won’t be a bad idea to jump on to the Naveen bandwagon. Ram Vilas Paswan, better known for party hopping, will be more than happy to join the Naveen bloc, hoping for a berth at the Centre.

AIADMK chief Jayalalithaa, an astute politician, is better known as a ‘NDA bird’. But under compulsions, if she decides to join the supposed Naveen-led third front , her political rival M Karunanidhi and DMK would be excluded and vice versa. In a way, BJD-DMK alliance will look good as both are neck deep in scams.

Now, also look at the possibility of some national players joining Naveen’s camp. Naveen Patnaik shares good relationship with the Communists. After Patnaik left the NDA, just before the 2009 elections, CPI(M) politburo member Sitaram Yechury and CPI general secretary AB Bardhan rushed to Bhubaneswar to ink a poll pact with the BJD. The Communists are giving outside support to the BJD government in Odisha despite opposing Patnaik’s mega-industry plank. The Communists would be more than comfortable in joining the Naveen bloc, but that is under ceteris paribus condition. The Left do not see eye to eye with Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. So if Banarjee joins the Naveen bloc, Communists would be excluded.

Don’t forget that Mamata is a woman for all seasons and can join the block - even at the last minute – if it has the capacity to form government in New Delhi. There could be the possibility of another national party - Sharad Pawar-led NCP – of joining the Naveen-led front. BJD entered into an electoral alliance with the NCP in Odisha during 2009 Assembly elections. The NCP is in coalition with the Congress at the Centre and in Maharashtra. So for instant political benefit, the NCP cannot just risk its relationship with the Congress.

Among the rest of the regional pack, currently out of work TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu could support Naveen. Then there is Ajit Singh-led Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), which Patnaik is likely to welcome to garner some support.

Naveen’s anti-communal bubble

Now comes the question - Will Naveen Patnaik’s ‘anti-communal’ plank cut ice with the people? Remember, the BJD made its political debut with the BJP. And together they ruled Odisha between 2000 and 2009. Even while blasting ‘communal’ BJP, sources indicate that Patnaik has been in constant touch with top saffron leaders for a possible realignment in Odisha and his re-entry to NDA.

Naveen as PM!

While I agree that every citizen with the right kind of support can become the Prime Minister of this country, let’s find out Naveen's chances (as a section of media insists) for the top job.

There is a famous saying – ‘A tree is known by its fruit; a man by his deeds’. Naveen is enjoying the chief ministership for the third term in a row. So what? JB Patnaik was CM of Odisha thrice. Lalu Prasad Yadav ruled Bihar for fifteen-long years. I don’t think winning election is really an index of popularity.

A product of pedigree politics, Naveen achieved political heights overnight. After his father Biju Patnaik’s demise in April 1997, when Janata Dal sought a candidate for Aska Lok Sabha constituency, it was party strategist Bijoy Mohapatra, who brought him from pen to politics. Patnaik retained his father’s citadel with a huge margin, thanks to the sympathy wave blowing in the state in favour of the legendry leader. To cash in on that wave, BJP’s strategist late Pramod Mahajan also met Biju loyalists. They were more than willing to merge the Odisha unit of the Janata Dal with the BJP. But it was Mahajan who proposed the idea to float a party in the name of Biju babu and its alliance with the BJP to bring down the Congress in Odisha, a suggestion the Janata leaders could not but accept.

The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) was formed in December 1997 and its alliance with the BJP was forged in February 1998. It is said that all formative support for the BJD was provided by the BJP. Again it was Mohapatra, who proposed Patnaik’s name to lead the party.

Odisha voted en bloc for the BJP-BJD coalition as the state was waiting for a chance to pack-up the ‘corrupt Congress’. Riding on an anti-Congress wave, BJP-BJD coalition swept the state elections and Naveen became the CM.

The first thing he did after becoming the CM was fire his mentor Bijoy Mohapatra - the man who could have been the king himself. Then Naveen withdrew another BJD founder Dilip Ray first from the union cabinet and then axed him from the party.

Friends of Naveen say that he suffers from paranoia. After over a decade-long coalition with the BJP in Odisha, he ditched the saffron party on the eve of the 2009 polls. The decision was ruthless and surprised many.

With a track record of deception and pretence, Patnaik will always be a suspect among his allies willing to form a third front.

Naveen’s image - Anything but clean

Now, let me touch upon the image Patnaik has. He was once credited with a clean image. But his squeaky clean image was blown to pieces once the mining scam broke. As the Pandora's Box opened, it became evident as to how his government had allowed mineral smugglers to plunder Odisha to the tune of Rs 3 lakh crores, giving birth to the biggest scam in independent India’s history. Soon more skeletons tumbled out of the closet.

It was Naveen’s BJD government which illegally allotted as much as 6,000 acre of three-crop agricultural land - including 1,300 acre belonging to Lord Jagannath Temple - for the proposed dubious Vedanta university project in Puri-Konark marine drive. Odisha Lokpal indicted the Patnaik government for illegal land allotment. The biggest land grab scam in independent India was waiting to happen in the state. Thanks to Orissa High Court, the project was shelved. Then Vedanta’s proposed bauxite mining project in Niyamgiri was cancelled, following NC Saxena report. The report indicted the BJD government again.

The saga of corruption in Naveen Patnaik government does not end here. Apart from mining scam and the two Vedanta scams, the BJD government is involved in dal scam, coal scam and rural job scam - the list goes on.

Patnaik government is highly unpopular for its ‘mega industry’ plank. By allowing industries at the cost of livelihood of the people, the BJD government has made industries the beneficiary and the state a looser.

Odisha has not forgotten the Kalinganagar massacre of January 2006, where poor Tribals demanding compensation for their lost land received bullets in return.

From Kalinganagar to Kandhamal, Tribals are being squeezed out of their ancestral land. Patnaik is being branded as anti-famer, anti-poor and anti-tribal.

Recently the state witnessed a hooch tragedy, which claimed 40 lives ahead of the Panchayat polls. Those who died after consuming the toxic ‘election brand’ liquor were the poorest of the poor. But this did not affect the electoral performance of Patnaik’s BJD as the party swept the Panchayat polls, thanks to the poor opposition forces in Odisha.

Patnaik might have won few elections in a row, but I must say that as a CM he has totally failed to address the gap between Odisha’s potential and performance. The people of Odisha are now bored with his perennial ‘central apathy’ rhetoric.

As if Manmohan Singh isn’t enough, do we need another non-performing PM?

Post script: Patnaik is also opposed to the proposed amendment by the Centre of the Railway Protection Force (RPF) Act. He is again being projected as the one leading the attack against the Centre. It should be noted that Naveen’s opposition to RPF Act came days after Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi registered his opposition.

It seems unlikely that a man who could not learn the language of the state he rules will be acceptable by the heavily rooted Nitish Kumar, Jayalalithaa, Mamata Banerjee...

Appeared in my blog ‘The Right Way’ in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/blog/66/blog732.html

'Karnataka episode had embarrassed the BJP’

Observers say Karnataka is BJP’s raw nerve. It has now been a month since Karnataka got a new Chief Minister ending yet another crisis for the BJP after frantic efforts by party top brass. But trouble in the Karnataka unit of BJP is refusing to die down. Saswat Panigrahi of Zeenews.com caught up with BJP national general secretary and party’s key trouble shooter Dharmendra Pradhan, who micromanages the party affairs in Karnataka.

Saswat: Crisis and Karnataka BJP go hand in hand. Sometime, it is ‘Reddy-made’, sometime it is ‘Bharadwaj-made’ and sometime it is ‘Yeddy-made’. After you became the prabhari, you must be having a tough time in steering the Karnataka unit out of troubles.

Dharmendra: There is no trouble as such. In the recent past, the party has faced certain political developments and tackled those quite effectively. By taking everything into consideration, the party has taken a stand. Now, the new Chief Minister has taken up his task. The party and legislative party, both are behind the new leadership. Things are gradually limping back to normalcy.

The party has made promises to the people of Karnataka. For the last three years, we have been fulfilling those promises and we will continue to fulfil them.

Saswat: Initially there were demands about Yeddyurappa’s removal. The Governor also recommended the same. But with the leaked Lokayukta report, BJP finally replaced him. What actually led to his removal?

Dharmendra: Look…that was our old stand. BJP does not take any political decision based upon somebody’s allegations or statements.

The party has maintained that action would be taken if some judicial authority recommends something on the allegations. Honourable Lokayukta named Yeddyurappaji in his report. Though, we had certain reservations about the report as we believe that some judicial anomalies are there in his report, we respect the judicial report and the party took action upon it.

Saswat: Now Karnataka have got a Yeddy-made Chief Minister. Yeddyurappa has his way. He played hardball and emerged as a leader in his own right. He literally handpicked Sadananda Gowda as his successor.

Dharmendra: This analysis is not true. Undoubtedly, Yeddyurappaji is one among the tallest leaders of the state. Politically, dynamically, Yeddyurappaji is a very popular man.

But, Sadananda Gowdaji was elected by the legislative party unanimously within the democratic process.

Saswat: But why an MP? Why has the party not chosen a legislator as the Chief Minister?

Dharmendra: There is nothing binding that an MP can’t be the leader of the legislative party. There have been precedents in the past. Many times, many states have done this.

Sadananda Gowdaji is an old party worker. He is a very senior leader of my party in Karnataka. It was under him as the state president that BJP rode to power in Karnataka in 2008. He was the deputy leader of opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly. Since his student days, he was an activist.


Saswat: It is said that BJP top brass pushed Jagdish Settar. Reports say senior party leader Ananth Kumar made a vain bid for Settar. But it could not be proved in the ballot box.

Dharmendra: As far as the legislative party is concerned, it has the full authority to decide its own leader. There may be certain differences in the legislative party while selecting the new leader. But all those are internal matters of the party. I don’t want to spell it out in media. But, at no point did the central leadership push anybody. The legislative party has chosen its leader through a democratic process.

Saswat: After the party failed to reach a consensus, the leader of the legislative party was chosen via a secret ballot. Has it exposed the internecine differences? In other words, is BJP badly divided in Karnataka?

Dharmendra: It goes to BJP’s credit that the party allows individuals to aspire for the higher office. This is in sharp contrast to Congress party, where central leadership takes the call on who will be the Chief Minister. I must say the secret ballot to select the new leader points that democratic values exists in BJP.

Saswat: The fissures in the Karnataka unit of BJP were visible during the ministry formation exercise. It was indeed a tough situation with two warring factions involved in hectic lobbying.

Dharmendra: I don’t think so. Ministry formation takes some time. The first phase went smoothly. The second phase will take place shortly. Cabinet expansion is a natural process. It has to take its due time considering certain political-driven matters of the state.

Saswat: The ministry expansion thankfully dropped the controversial mining czar Reddy brothers. Though late, the party has finally acted against them.

Since long, allegations were pouring on them being involved in illegal mining. But what was hindering the party -- which raises strong voice against corruption -- to get rid of Reddy brothers?

Dharmendra: There is no point getting rid of anybody. Politics can’t run through allegations and perceptions. It has to be supported and backed by documents. As I told you earlier, the party has all along maintained that if the allegations are backed by at least certain perceived evidences, the party can think about it. Honourable Lokayukta in his report on illegal mining named Reddy brothers. As per the reported findings of the judicial authority the party has acted upon it politically.

Saswat: Now Jagdish Settar bats for Reddy brothers to include them in the cabinet. He is quoted as saying that Reddy brothers must be included into the ministry as they have strived hard to build BJP in Karnataka?

Dharmendra: I am not aware of any such report. If at all there are, it is not a right interpretation. Who will be in the ministry and who will not be in the ministry is the prerogative of the Chief Minister.


Saswat: The Lokayukta report has put the Karnataka mining scam to the tune of Rs 16, 085 crore. For the first time a Lokayukta report has indicted a ruling BJP CM. To be honest, has the first BJP government in the south dented the saffron party’s image?

Dharmendra: Yes, this is certainly an embarrassment for the party. But the party has taken a political stand at the right time. I think we will overcome the crisis soon as we go back to serve the people of Karnataka.

Saswat: Taking a leaf from the Lokayukta report, Governor H R Bharadwaj says his stand has been vindicated. He has sanctioned prosecution actions against Yedurappa.

Dharmendra: Certain legal procedures are going on. Let it come out. The Governor is authorised to do so. But, that does not mean that his old sins can be justified.

I must remind you that his Excellency Governor HR Bharadwaj has a long history of running an agenda. Ever since he assumed Raj Bhawan in Bangalore, he has been working as an agent of Congress party.

In January this year he sanctioned prosecution of Yedurappa in an alleged land scam even before any preliminary enquiry. It was purely based on observation.

On two different occasions, the Honourable Governor recommended the Centre to impose President’s rule, despite our government successfully scrapped through trust vote. And finally Congress-led central government could not but reject the recommendations.

Saswat: Is Yeddyurappa turning into a liability for BJP?

Dharmendra: No, not at all. Yeddyurappa is a matured leader. Certain cases are there. Certain issues are there. But he will remain an asset for the party.

Saswat: Will BJP be able to wriggle out of the problems in Karnataka?

Dharmendra: I don’t think there is any problem. Certain issues have been raised. Simultaneously, the party had to take certain decisions. There are certain differences of opinions too, but when it comes to politically facing and carrying out our responsibility, the party is united.

The party has always overcome hurdles. I am sure, in the future also, the party and the new leadership of Karnataka will overcome all the difficult situations that might arise.

Saswat: What will be the road ahead for BJP in Karnataka?

Dharmendra: Our primary responsibility is to fulfil our promises and commitments to the people of Karnataka in the next two years. Our focus is to complete all development programs as per the target; we remain committed to the promises that were made during the previous regime. Initiating new development programs are BJP’s immediate priorities in Karnataka.

The new Chief Minister has made it clear that the government will run on the two point agendas of development and good governance.

We will continue to serve the state, thereby will be connected with the people. If we are successful in striking a chord with the people of Karnataka, we can definitely ask for the 2013 mandate in favour of the party. That is our political target.

-- Published in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/karnataka-episode-had-embarrassed-the-bjp_727834.html

Will lotus bloom again in Uttarakhand?

Saswat Panigrahi

Of the five states going for polls, Uttarakhand is no less interesting. Though a dozen of political parties are in the poll fray, the big fight, expectedly, will be between the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress.

Uttarakhand has voted out incumbent governments in all the Assembly elections held ever since it was carved out of Uttar Pradesh. Will 2012 see a break in the trend?

Pushed to the wall over allegations of massive corruption under Ramesh Pokhariyal ‘Nishank’, the BJP had to replace him with General BC Khanduri. But, can BJP under Khanduri scrape through despite anti-incumbency? Or will the Congress manage to dislodge BJP?

The key issues on which the election would be fought and the result to be decided will answer these questions.

The Khanduri factor

Understanding the popular resentment against the ‘corrupt’ Pokhariyal regime, the BJP turned to its trusted soldier BC Khanduri. Known as ‘Mr Clean’, Khanduri has a huge task at hand in reinvigorating the party cadre and salvaging the party’s sagging image in the state.

It was Khanduri who had led the party to victory in the 2007 Assembly elections and was subsequently chosen as the Chief Minister. However, he was booted out after the party performed poorly in the 2009 general election. Marred with internal dissent, amid the growing ‘Remove Khanduri’ chorus, he quit taking responsibility for the poll debacle.

Now back in the saddle, Khanduri has been proactive in trying to win the battle of perception. Not shying away from taking solid steps, Khanduri enacted two landmark anti-graft bills.

Lokayukta Bill

Mirroring the version of the anti-graft bill pushed by Gandhian Anna Hazare, Uttarakhand Lokayukta Bill, 2011 brings all ministers, including the Chief Minister, the MLAs and the government servants including IAS and IPS officers under its ambit. The bill also aims to bring the lower judiciary under its ambit.

BJP is making the passage of Lokayukta Bill a major poll plank and hopes to reap rich electoral dividends.

Right to Public Services legislation: Besides Lokayukta, Khanduri government has also enacted Right to Public Services legislation, which guarantees time-bound delivery of public services to citizens. The legislation provides mechanism for punishing errant public servants, deficient in providing the services as stipulated under the statute. The legislation is meant to reduce corruption among the government officials and aims at bringing transparency and accountability in public services.

Assets declaration: In a bid to bring more transparency, CM BC Khanduri has asked his cabinet colleagues and top bureaucrats in the state to voluntarily declare assets.

Now that the BJP central leadership has again reposed faith in him, as party leaders say “Khanduri hai zaroori” but it remains to be seen whether his clean image would be enough to clean the taint on the saffron flag.

Scams from Nishank tenure haunt BJP

The tenure of Nishank as Chief Minister was riddled with a series of scams. The ghosts of the scams are still haunting the BJP, making the saffron party uncomfortable.

Illegal mining: Nishank’s government was accused of turning a blind eye to rampant illegal river bed sand mining and unscrupulous quarrying mafia in the state, particularly in Haridwar district. Not to forget Swami Nigamananda Saraswati, the 34-year old monk, who fasted to death to save the Ganges from illegal mining.

Land scam: The former chief minister came under scanner for allegedly changing the land use of 15-acre industrial plot worth Rs.400 crore. The land was reportedly handed over to a real estate developer, close to the ruling BJP for a paltry Rs.13 crore.

Power scam: Irregularities were allegedly carried out in the bidding process of hydroelectric power projects, causing huge loss to the state exchequer.

Other scams: In addition, there are alleged irregularities in Chief Minister discretionary fund, government appointment and financial bungling in organizing Mahakumbh mela.

Slur from ND Tiwari era still haunts Cong

It is not only the BJP which is facing allegations of a series of scams. Scams from previous Congress regime -- between 2002 and 2007 -- led by ND Tiwari are also haunting the Congress.

BC Khanduri government in 2007, conducted a probe into the scams. The probe panel has already completed its inquiry into 60 out of the 68 scams and found irregularities in 17 cases.

The scams include those related to financial irregularities in agriculture, irrigation and forest departments, among others.

Congress’ ‘M-D’ formula

The Congress had successfully nurtured Muslim-Dalit votes during 2009 general elections with the part winning all Lok Sabha seats from the state.

With Yashpal Arya having been re-nominated as the PCC president, it is clear that the party high command does not want to disturb the ‘winning formula’. But the moot question is that whether the formula will work for Congress this time?

Congress insiders say the party is hoping that the combine will help it sail through again.

-- Appeared in Zeenews.com

http://zeenews.india.com/state-elections-2012/uttarakhand/issues.html

Five issues on which Rajasthan will vote

Rajasthan is going for poll on December 1 to elect a new Assembly. Almost all the opinion polls predicted a victory for the resurgent BJP and a defeat for the ruling Congress. Following are the issues which will drive the Rajasthan election:

Bad governance in Ghelot regime

Ashok Gehlot’s regime is marked with corruption and bad governance. Under Gehlot’s rule, development has come to a standstill in the State. Scams, sex scandals, riots, lawlessness and violence against women have become the key features of Ghelot’s five-year rule.

Scams in Ghelot Government

There are as many as hundred scams which took place during the tenure of Ashok Gehlot. These include scam in DLF-Robert Vadra land deals in Bikaner, rampant illegal mining by Gehlot’s relatives in Jodhpur, Jal Mahal land scam, scam in Kalisindh dam project and massive irregularities in clearance for construction of five-star hotels in Udaisagar lake in Udaipur. All roads to the scam go straight to the Chief Minister’s Ashok Gehlot’s office.

Read the full article in www.niticentral.com